Watch live online TV channels broadcasting on the Internet

General

Views: 73,536

Country: France

Description: RDIen direct c'est l'information présentée en continu par des chefsd'antenne d'expérience permettant d'offrir une couverture complète del'actualité de toutes les régions du Québec, du Canada et du monde.Sur le terrain, nos correspondants à l'étranger et nos équipes enAtlantique, au Québec, en Ontario et dans l'Ouest du pays attirentnotre attention sur des dossiers régionaux pouvant intéresser tous nostéléspectateurs.

RTR Planeta (Russian federation)

General

Views: 222,673

Country: Russian federation

Description:

Afrique Média TV (Cote D'ivoire)

Entertainment

Views: 87,423

Country: Africa

Description:

Direct 8 (France)

News

Views: 150,058

Country: France

Description:

LCN (Quebec)

General

Views: 83,487

Country: France

Description:

TVA (Canada)

General

Views: 70,311

Country: France

Description:

BYWN (USA)

Sport

Views: 148,860

Country: USA

Description: Wrestling channel

CNBC TV-18 (India)

Financial

Views: 114,544

Country: India

Description: Financial News channel for India.

MTV Brand New (Netherland)

Music

Views: 100,049

Country: Netherlands

Description:

i>TELE (France)

News

Views: 171,779

Country: France

Description: i>Télé is a French-speaking free-to-air news channel. It provides 24-hour national and global news coverage. It is the second most watched news network in France, after BFM TV and before LCI (premium channel).

NRJ Hits (France)

Music

Views: 107,308

Country: France

Description: Music channel from France.

Bamboch TV (Haiti)

Music

Views: 99,839

Country: France

Description: Bamboch.Tv if it's not Bamboch Tv it's not Tv, 24 hours haitian Television

Al Mayadeen (Lebanon)

News

Views: 88,295

Country: Mideast

Description: The channel, claims Gulf-supported media, aims at reducing the influence of the Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya networks, both funded by oil-rich Sunni Arab countries in the Persian Gulf. However, it is said to plan to present an alternative to mainstream Arab satellite media, largely dominated by these two channels.

Nasa TV (USA)

Specialized

Views: 107,397

Country: USA

Description: Television (NTV) is a resource designed to provide real-time coverage of Agency activities and missions as well as providing resource video to the news.

Eurosport live (UK)

Sport

Views: 401,207

Country: United Kingdom

Description: Eurosport live from England but with no sound and low quality

Game Time (USA)

Sport

Views: 1,238,954

Country: USA

Description: Game Time from EA Sports covers today's top professional athletes in a series of weekly shows.

Eurosport (Russia)

Sport

Views: 292,102

Country: Russian federation

Description: General sports channel

Ariana TV EU (Afghanistan)

General

Views: 181,738

Country: Afghanistan

Description:

Al-Manar TV (Lebanon)

General

Views: 102,010

Country: Mideast

Description:

BFM TV (French)

News

Views: 308,332

Country: France

Description: La grille 24h sur 24 des programmes de BFM TV propose des éditions chaque quart d'heure, des reportages, entretiens et magazines traitant spécifiquement de sujets d'actualité. Une partie de ces émission est consacrée à l'économie, sous l'angle de la création d'emploi, des préoccupations du consommateur ou encore des petites et moyennes entreprises. Depuis le 28 novembre 2005, Olivier Mazerolle présente le journal de 20 heures. La version 2 de la chaîne avec de nouveaux décors, un nouvel habillage et la suppression du tout-images ("BFM Non-stop") a été mise en place le 9 mai 2006 à 18H, avec Ruth Elkrief et Rachid M'Barki.

Fresh news

China detains professor who criticised Xi over coronavirus
Chinese authorities on Monday detained a law professor who published essays criticising President Xi Jinping over the coronavirus pandemic and his efforts to consolidate power, according to friends of the man. Xu Zhangrun, a rare outspoken critic of the government in China's heavily censored academia, was taken from his home in suburban Beijing by more than 20 people, one of his friends said on condition of anonymity. Xu published an essay in February blaming the culture of deception and censorship fostered by Xi for the spread of the coronavirus in China.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 08:29:09 GMT

Czech volunteers develop functioning lung ventilator in days
Tomas Kapler knew nothing about ventilators — he’s an online business consultant, not an engineer or a medical technician. “It was a disturbing feeling for me that because of a lack of equipment the doctors had to decide whether a person gets a chance to live,” Kapler said. Working around the clock, he brought together a team of 30 Czechs to develop a fully functional ventilator — Corovent.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 08:22:44 GMT

The Proxy War Over a Top Biden Adviser
The rise of a former deputy CIA director on Joe Biden’s transition team is drawing furious objection from the left—to the shock of her colleagues in the Obama administration, who believe Avril Haines’ record in government ought to endear her to progressives.In late June, the Biden campaign announced that Haines, an attorney who served as deputy director of the CIA from 2013 to 2015, will helm the foreign policy and national security aspects of a potential Biden transition team.To activists, security experts, congressional aides who are more left than liberal—as well as mainstream human rights campaigners and at least one ex-senator—Haines’ elevation is worrisome or unacceptable. She approved an “accountability board” that spared CIA personnel reprisal for spying on the Senate’s torture investigators, and was part of the team that redacted their landmark report. After the administration ended, Haines supported Gina Haspel for CIA director, someone directly implicated in CIA torture, a decision that remains raw amongst progressive activists. Until late June, she consulted for the Trump-favorite data firm Palantir, which emerged from the CIA.“This is a pretty ominous signal about what is to come” in a Biden administration, said a Senate staffer who works on national security issues. “To have the deputy CIA director touted for her record in advancing human rights and respect for the rule of law I don’t think can be adequately squared with not only her record but her deliberate choices of advocacy.” To Obama administration alumni who are more liberal than left, the antipathy for Haines is stunning. Haines was perhaps the leading voice inside the administration for restricting the drone campaign. She was “a voice of restraint on all counterterrorism issues,” said Harold Koh, the former State Department legal adviser. As deputy national security adviser, she was principally responsible for increasing refugee admissions against massive nativist headwinds. Haines, her old colleagues say, kept pressing to transfer detainees out of Guantanamo Bay when others conceded defeat. “When someone doesn’t get everything they seek inside the U.S. government, critics can say ‘that person is legitimating policy by improving it,’” said Samantha Power, the former ambassador to the United Nations, “but the fact of the matter is that more innocent civilians would have died and a far wider set of targets would have been pursued without the changes that she secured.”The divide between liberal and left perceptions of Haines highlights a crossroads for the future of Democratic national security policy and for a prospective Biden presidency. Liberals tend to view Obama’s maintenance of the war on terror, however circumscribed, as unfortunate but understandable. A reinvigorated left views it as an epic, discrediting mistake. Behind its dissatisfaction with Haines is a fear that Biden will restore the Obama legacy, rather than expand its horizons to, among other things, rolling back the counterterrorism apparatus. “As a general matter, I am somebody who believes in good process and I try to keep myself out of the spotlight. I can understand people wondering whether I am someone who can help to promote big change where it is needed, and for what it is worth, I believe I’m exactly the right person for making such change where appropriate,” Haines told The Daily Beast in a rare interview. “Being someone who values good process doesn’t mean you don’t seek big shifts in policy—it just means that the change you seek, once achieved, is far more likely to be sustainable. And in a moment like the one we face today, with a president as unpredictable and disdainful of rational, evidence-driven decision-making as President Trump is, it wouldn’t be bad to have someone working to promote good process,” she continued. A sign of her values, she added, came from her current work at Columbia University’s Columbia World Projects to “bring research and scholarship to bear on fundamental challenges we are facing around the world, such as inequality, access to energy, climate change, and maternal health."Haines is not part of Biden’s foreign-policy inner circle, like former Deputy Secretary of State Tony Blinken; ex-Pentagon policy official Brian McKeon; Jake Sullivan, Biden’s vice-presidential national security adviser; and Carlyn Reichel, his vice-presidential foreign-policy speechwriter. The campaign says she won’t have a leading role staffing the administration, despite a perception to the contrary on the left. Instead, she’ll convert Biden’s campaign pledges on those subjects into policies for the first year of his presidency. Many expect her to get a senior position in the administration. "The transition operation will be focused on responsibly developing the readiness of a potential new administration to serve the American people,” said Ted Kaufman, the former senator in charge of Biden’s transition. Interviews with nine former Obama officials, as well as admirers in the human rights community, echoed with paeans to Haines’ warmth, diligence and commitment to the law. As State Department attorney during the late Bush administration, Haines unearthed and shepherded through the Senate 90 languishing treaties. “Without Avril, the Bush administration would not have had this very good record on treaties,” said John Bellinger, Koh’s predecessor as State Department legal adviser. “I can’t think of a bad thing to say about Avril, I just think she’s a superstar.” A detail to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee put her on the radar of Biden, then the chairman. By late 2010, she transitioned to the White House, where she was deputy legal adviser before ascending to the legal adviser's job the next year. There she chaired the interagency lawyers’ group that would convene to consider the “targeted killing” enterprise—that is, drone strikes. She came to see it as operating without meaningful constraint and quickly partnered with White House counterterrorism adviser John Brennan, the CIA veteran. “We wanted to make sure that the counterterrorism program and any type of lethal strikes that we might take would be very sharply caverned within a framework that made certain stipulations [and] criteria before any strike was taken,” said Brennan. “We all approached it from our various portfolios in a manner that limited the number of times that strikes would be authorized. Avril and I bore the scars of a lot of the pushback that we received from counterterrorism proponents that wanted to have more latitude in carrying out strikes.”Koh, a contributor to the process, remembered Haines as a force for curbing the drones. “A lot of people characterize themselves as voices of restraint, but she really was. ‘That’s illegal, we’re not gonna do that,’ she would say. She showed guts,” Koh recalled.Haines remembered pressing for a process that would ensure drone strikes would occur “only in the rarest circumstances, when it’s absolutely necessary.”The result was Obama’s 2013 policy-planning guidance. It required “near certainty” that both someone targeted “is in fact the lawful target”—a standard that did not previously exist—and that civilians would not be killed. The drone attacks diminished. In 2010, the high-water mark of the bombardment, the CIA launched 122 strikes in Pakistan alone. After the guidance was issued, there were 61 Pakistan strikes in Obama’s entire second term. But while the drone attacks diminished, human rights groups, as well as relatives and survivors of drone strikes, disputed that civilians had stopped dying from the lethal activities in significant numbers. And while the drones were placed under restrictions, they persisted. Haines supported restraint. She did not, she said, support abolition, which she did not consider “realistic.” Her former colleagues say that the only one who could have decided on abolition was Obama. “The drone program existed and wasn’t going away. President Obama saw the risks of abuse in the program and tasked Avril with making it law-abiding,” said Power. “Avril sought to put a lethal instrument of U.S. power into a legal framework, to minimize the risk of civilian casualties, and to give a program shrouded in secrecy far more transparency.”Andrea Prasow, the acting Washington director of Human Rights Watch, has resisted the war on terror since its inception. She credited Haines with increasing transparency around the drone strikes—though, in 2016, the Obama administration released a civilian death tally that human rights groups considered a cynical undercount—and said Haines did not share the “just-trust-us approach, ‘we’re the good guys’” that she saw from other Obama officials. At the same time, Prasow continued, “I don’t know how you reconcile the drone program with anyone who believes in human rights and international law.”Haines said she “understood the concern expressed by some that the process that was put in place legitimized the program, but if you come to the conclusion that the program will remain in place, having a rigorous process and a clear, transparent legal framework that promotes accountability is critical, especially one we can live with as other countries begin to have access to such weapons.”Brennan, Obama’s second-term CIA director, took Haines, an outsider and a lawyer, to Langley as his deputy in 2013, “to challenge many conventional wisdom or thinking or practices within CIA.” Asked what Haines’ legacy at the agency was, Brennan called her a “tremendous mentor and role model to young officers, especially to women,” as well as aiding with a structural overhaul unveiled in 2015 and ensuring CIA lawyers understood Obama’s counterterrorism restrictions. A different former senior CIA official, however, immediately answered, “she had that shit-burger to deal with”—meaning the Senate intelligence committee’s torture investigation. Led by Sen. Dianne Feinstein, the years-long investigation found that the CIA torture was vastly more sadistic than known; useless for counterterrorism; and enveloped in an edifice of lies so extensive as to constitute a disinformation campaign against Congress and the public. The CIA, resisting those conclusions, took the fateful step of secretly accessing Senate investigators’ work product on a shared private network—enraging Feinstein—and requested the Justice Department prosecute lead investigator Daniel Jones. A CIA inspector general report said the agency personnel involved in the spying exhibited a “lack of candor” about the episode. Haines played two roles over the report. First, she was part of the CIA team, supported by the White House, that spent months negotiating with the Senate over how much of the report to declassify. It infuriated Feinstein and her allies, who saw the purpose of the exercise as concealing the report’s findings. “My recollection was that Avril was pushing as vigorously as she could for minimal redaction,” said Denis McDonough, Obama’s White House chief of staff. Those recollections are not shared by others in the process, who remember Haines pressing to obscure the Senate narrative. Haines would not comment about it for this story.“It was not my sense that her goal was to cover up torture,” said Human Rights Watch’s Prasow. “Was that the outcome? Sure.” Second, Brennan appointed an “accountability board” to assess the intrusion. Its findings clawed back the CIA inspector general’s assessment, found no reason to discipline those who spied on their Senate overseers, and criticized the Senate. Brennan recused himself, leaving Haines to accept the board’s conclusions, which she did in one of her last acts before returning to the White House in 2015 as deputy national security adviser. “I found the Board’s review and conclusions to be persuasive and consequently, I accepted their recommendations. I have no trouble believing that people disagreed with the Board’s conclusions or, for that matter, my acceptance of them,” Haines said. “Both Senate staff and CIA personnel felt passionate about the situation. Personnel on the agency side felt wronged, like the Senate staff had gone after them, and the people on the Senate side felt like the agency folks had spied on them. I honestly think both sides have a misimpression of the other side’s intent and I understand that others will not have come to the same conclusion. But again this has nothing to do with the RDI [Rendition, Detention, and Interrogation] report or the program and what I think about torture, which I believe is immoral and unacceptable.”Mark Udall was a Democratic senator from Colorado on the intelligence committee when it finished the torture report. Asked about Haines’ role with Biden, Udall said: “If our country is going to turn the page on the dark chapter of our history that was the CIA's torture program, we need to stop nominating and confirming individuals who led this terrible program and helped cover it up. I trust Joe Biden to ensure his administration's intelligence agencies understand the grievous mistakes the CIA committed through its torture program and to only nominate intelligence officials who are dedicated to changing the culture at the CIA.”Haines returned to the White House for what her colleagues consider perhaps her finest hour. The Syrian civil war and the so-called Islamic State prompted a dire refugee exodus. It also prompted a nativist backlash on both sides of the Atlantic. Republican governors, conflating ISIS with those fleeing them, refused to resettle refugees. Haines took charge of expanding the admissions. Ronnie Newman, a former NSC official, remembered Haines leveraging her CIA pedigree against intransigent security agencies. “She was able to say convincingly and persuasively not only we could live up to our humanitarian commitments but also keep the nation safe,” Newman said. “There were life and death consequences for people and that was what was great about working with her. Every refugee counted.” Haines’ work raised refugee admissions from 70,000 to 85,000. As the Obama administration wound down in fall 2016, she got the admissions totals raised again, to 110,000 for fiscal 2017. In a speech to Human Rights First, Haines framed embracing refugees as a counterterrorism measure, since “when we support and care for refugees, we contradict [extremists’] message.” Ben Rhodes, one of Obama’s chief foreign-policy aides, reflected, “Not a single human being besides Barack Obama did more than Avril to get more refugees into this country.” A record like that stunned Democrats when, in 2018, Haines joined a chorus of former intelligence officials supporting Gina Haspel for CIA director. To anti-torture activists, it was nauseating to permit someone who played a leading role in torture to run the CIA—and the inevitable consequence of suppressing the Senate report. As Democratic opposition to her nomination crested, the White House crowed over the ex-intelligence officials’ support. For many on the left, this moment defines Haines. “Even in the Trump era, with the supposed ‘Resistance’ rallying cry of congressional Democrats, that [Haines] went on the record and endorsed Haspel speaks to the depths of a commitment to a similarly lawless enterprise,” said the Senate staffer. Added the leader of a progressive nonprofit that works on national security issues who requested anonymity out of concern for professional reprisal, “Being where any decent person should be on a few issues doesn’t cancel out an endorsement of torturers.” Danielle Brian, the executive director of the Project on Government Oversight, said, “Her support was used by the administration to legitimize the nomination, and that’s a black mark against Haines’ record.”Haines would not comment for this story about her support of Haspel. In an April co-authored piece for Foreign Policy, she observed that Trump’s long-predicted politicization of the intelligence agencies has manifested, something many of Haspel supporters backed her to prevent. After the Obama administration ended, Haines took several academic and consulting positions. One of them was with Palantir, the data firm allied with Trump that, among other things, aided ICE in rounding up undocumented immigrants. According to Palantir, Haines consulted on promoting diversity within the company’s hiring from July 5, 2017 to June 23, shortly after her position with the Biden transition was announced. As The Intercept first reported, Palantir quickly disappeared from her Brookings Institution biography, smacking of a whitewash. Brookings told The Daily Beast that Haines’ office had requested an update scrubbed of non-active affiliations broader than Palantir. “The vast majority of my work for Palantir was related to diversity and inclusion, with a particular focus on gender. For the most part, this involved visiting with different offices, talking to those in the workforce about their experiences, occasionally mentoring some of the remarkable young women who work there and suggesting ways in which they might promote diversity and inclusion,” she said. “This is an issue I feel passionate about and on which we need to do better not just at the CIA but across the national security workforce in government.” Haines’ left critics consider her Palantir work egregious, swampy and a capstone for her career. “It’s interesting to do diversity for a company founded by Peter Thiel,” who has mused that womens’ political empowerment is a negative for “capitalist democracy,” observed Jeff Hauser of the Center for Economic and Policy Research.“Those who engage in revolving-door for-profit national security firms like Palantir, there’s something redolent of the corruption the progressive left is fighting against,” said the Senate staffer. “We should absolutely be able to expect that a Democratic national security leader will both be humane as relates to refugees—and also not cover up for torture, promote torturers, and take paychecks from some of the world’s most malevolent corporations,” the nonprofit leader added. More broadly, the concerns with Haines on the left underscore an exhaustion over Obama’s cautious embrace of the war on terror and a fear that Biden will continue it. Constraining the war on terror instead of dismantling it did nothing to confront the post-9/11 nativist security paranoia that Trump rode to power. Once he did, all the work Haines did to circumscribe the drone strikes vanished as Trump intensified the bombardment and returned it to the shadows. The 110,000-refugee ceiling she raised crashed to its foundations. All that remains is the war on terror. “When we look at the continuities between Bush and Obama, we should be concerned that we’re going to return in a Biden administration to a kind of status quo. A return to transparency and legality is hardly enough,” observed Nikhil Pal Singh of New York University, author of Race and America’s Long War. “That’s just handing the baton back and forth between two types of approaches that are deeply flawed, unjust and provide no durable security framework.”The leftmost Obama alumni want the Biden team to listen to the dissatisfaction and translate it into policy. "The main takeaway from this controversy is that the Biden campaign ought to reach out to progressives and hear them out on matters of foreign policy as much as it does on domestic social and economic matters,” said Rob Malley, president of the International Crisis Group and Haines’ former colleague on the NSC. Haines said that’s what she wants as well. “Yes, I’m absolutely open to it. There’s no question. What the Bush administration called the global war on terror and what the Obama Administration called the conflict with al Qaeda and associated forces, cannot simply exist forever on automatic,” she told The Daily Beast. “To the extent the concern would be ‘Is she somebody who represents just a return to the policies of the Obama administration, simply promoting constraint but not actually changing the landscape,’ that’s not a concern with me. We have to rethink things.”Read more at The Daily Beast.Got a tip? Send it to The Daily Beast hereGet our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 07:41:51 GMT

Egypt arrests doctors, silences critics over virus outbreak
A pharmacist picked up from work after posting online about a shortage of protective gear. A pregnant doctor arrested after a colleague used her phone to report a suspected coronavirus case. As Egyptian authorities fight the swelling coronavirus outbreak, security agencies have tried to stifle criticism about the handling of the health crisis by the government of President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 06:14:49 GMT

Families of Syria detainees hope for news amid US sanctions
Alaa Arnous and his family found the photo of his father Mohammed online last week, the first proof of his fate since he was seized by Syrian government forces seven years ago. The elder Arnous was among thousands of Syrians who, since their country’s civil war began in 2011, went missing into Syrian government prisons. Anguished relatives are poring over photos of torture victims from Syrian prisons, posted online by activists after the United States imposed heavy new sanctions on the government of Syrian President Bashar Assad last month.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 05:33:02 GMT

Israel announces successful launch of new spy satellite
Israel's Defense Ministry announced the successful launch of a new spy satellite early on Monday that would help the country monitor Iran's nuclear activity as its foreign minister hinted that Israel may have been behind a fire that damaged an Iranian nuclear site last week. The “Ofek 16” satellite gives Israel what officials described as an additional tool in keeping tabs on many threats from across the region, joining a fleet of Israeli spy satellites that have been launched over the past two decades. While officials did not identify specific threats, arch-enemy Iran, which Israel accuses of trying to develop nuclear weapons, is first among them.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 05:21:13 GMT

Coast Guard alters training for incoming class due to virus
There will be nobody screaming in the face of 18-year-old Ellie Hiigel when she arrives Wednesday for training in advance of her first year at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, and that has her mother a bit disappointed. The school in Connecticut, like other service academies and military training centers, has made major changes because of the coronavirus pandemic. Ellie Hiigel and the 266 other swabs will be arriving not as one large group, but in eight separate platoons spaced out throughout Wednesday.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 05:04:28 GMT

Iran says damage at nuclear site 'significant'
An accident at a nuclear complex in Iran caused significant damage and could slow the production of centrifuges used to enrich uranium, the country's atomic energy spokesman said. The incident happened on Thursday at a warehouse under construction at the Natanz complex in central Iran, but caused no casualties or radioactive pollution, according to the Islamic republic's nuclear body. Security officials called it an accident and said they had determined the cause, without providing any further explanation.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 04:40:12 GMT

Trump's bluster doesn't beat a virus, calm a restive nation
Not long after noon on Feb. 6, President Donald Trump strode into the elegant East Room of the White House. The night before, his impeachment trial had ended with acquittal in the Republican-controlled Senate. “It was evil," Trump said of the attempt to end his presidency.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 04:23:41 GMT

AP FACT CHECK: Trump falsely says 99% of virus cases benign
President Donald Trump is understating the danger of the coronavirus to people who get it, as more and more become infected in the U.S. In his latest of many statements playing down the severity of the pandemic, Trump declared that 99% of cases of COVID-19 are harmless. Trump also sounded a dismissive note about the need for breathing machines.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 04:16:17 GMT

1 ad, 3 accents: How Democrats aim to win Latino votes
The Spanish-language ads for Joe Biden used the same slogan to contrast him with President Donald Trump — “los cuentos no pagan las cuentas,” a play on words that roughly means “telling stories won't pay the bills.” In Orlando, the accent was Puerto Rican. Biden, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, is hoping to capture Florida and other pivotal states by pushing Latino turnout rates higher than when Hillary Clinton was defeated in 2016.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 04:13:21 GMT

Bucking China pressure, Taiwan, Somaliland establish ties

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 03:53:38 GMT

Viewpoint: What Donald Trump gets wrong about Somalia
Somalia has been caught up in the US election campaign thanks to Donald Trump, writes Ismail Einashe.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 03:11:02 GMT

Prosecutors seek Friday court appearance for Epstein friend
Prosecutors on Sunday asked a judge to schedule a Friday court appearance in New York for Jeffrey Epstein’s longtime associate to face charges she helped him recruit women to sexually abuse. British socialite Ghislaine Maxwell, 58, was arrested Thursday at a million estate on 156 acres that she purchased last December in Bradford, New Hampshire. Prosecutors have labeled her an “extreme risk of flight" and said they want her jailed until trial.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 02:01:13 GMT

Frederick Douglass statue vandalized in Rochester park
A statue of abolitionist Frederick Douglass was ripped from its base in Rochester on the anniversary of one of his most famous speeches, delivered in that city in 1852. Police said the statue of Douglass was taken on Sunday from Maplewood Park, a site along the Underground Railroad where Douglass and Harriet Tubman helped shuttle slaves to freedom. In Rochester on July 5, 1852, Douglass gave the speech “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July,” in which he called the celebration of liberty a sham in a nation that enslaves and oppresses its Black citizens.

Mon, 06 Jul 2020 00:13:40 GMT

Lawyer: Remains of missing Texas soldier identified
Army investigators have identified the body of a soldier who vanished more than two months ago from a base in Texas, according to a lawyer for the soldier's family. Remains found last week buried near Fort Hood belong to Spc. Vanessa Guillén and Army officials informed her family in Houston Sunday, attorney Natalie Khawam told The Associated Press.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 22:53:25 GMT

Iran confirms damaged nuclear site was centrifuge facility
Iran on Sunday confirmed that a damaged building at the underground Natanz nuclear site was a new centrifuge assembly center, the official IRNA news agency reported. Iranian officials had previously sought to downplay the fire, which erupted early on Thursday, calling it only an “incident” that affected an “industrial shed.” A spokesman for Iran’s nuclear agency, Behrouz Kamalvandi, said Sunday that work had begun on the center in 2013 and it was inaugurated in 2018.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 20:41:42 GMT

Airstrikes hit Libya base held by Turkey-backed forces

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 19:34:24 GMT

China and Taiwan Could Be Headed Towards a Showdown. What Should America Do?
Hand it to CCP strongman Xi Jinping: he is a uniter. His bluster and saber-rattling may well unite Taiwanese behind the cause of independence. Beijing could respond quite aggressively. What would America do in response?

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 19:30:00 GMT

Israeli military says Gaza militants fire 3 rockets

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 16:46:33 GMT

Constitutional changes are the "right thing" for Russia - Putin

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 16:39:30 GMT

The Pandemic's Big Mystery: How Deadly Is the Coronavirus?
More than six months into the pandemic, the coronavirus has infected more than 11 million people worldwide, killing more than 525,000. But despite the increasing toll, scientists still do not have a definitive answer to one of the most fundamental questions about the virus: How deadly is it?A firm estimate could help governments predict how many deaths would ensue if the virus spread out of control. The figure, usually called the infection fatality rate, could tell health officials what to expect as the pandemic spreads to densely populated nations like Brazil, Nigeria and India.In even poorer countries, where lethal threats like measles and malaria are constant and where hard budget choices are routine, the number could help officials decide whether to spend more on oxygen concentrators or ventilators, or on measles shots and mosquito nets.The question became even more complex last month, when the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released data suggesting that for every documented infection in the United States, there were 10 other cases on average that had gone unrecorded, probably because they were very mild or asymptomatic.If there are many more asymptomatic infections than once thought, then the virus may be less deadly than it has appeared. But even that calculation is a difficult one.On Thursday, after the World Health Organization held a two-day online meeting of 1,300 scientists from around the world, the agency's chief scientist, Dr. Soumya Swaminathan, said the consensus for now was that the IFR is about 0.6% -- which means that the risk of death is less than 1%.Although she did not note this, 0.6% of the world's population is 47 million people, and 0.6% of the U.S. population is 2 million people. The virus remains a major threat.At present, countries have very different case fatality rates, or CFRs, which measure deaths among patients known to have had COVID-19. In most cases, that number is highest in countries that have had the virus the longest.According to data gathered by The New York Times, China had reported 90,294 cases as of Friday and 4,634 deaths, which is a CFR of 5%. The United States was very close to that mark. It has had 2,811,447 cases and 129,403 deaths, about 4.6%.Those percentages are far higher rates than the 2.5% death rate often ascribed to the 1918 flu pandemic. Still, it is difficult to measure fatality rates during pandemics, especially at the beginning.In the chaos that ensues when a new virus hits a city hard, thousands of people may die and be buried without ever being tested, and certainly without them all being autopsied.It is never entirely clear how many died of the virus and how many died of heart attacks, strokes or other ills. That has happened in both New York City and in Wuhan, China, where the outbreak began.Normally, once the chaos has subsided, more testing is done and more mild cases are found -- and because the denominator of the fraction rises, fatality rates fall. But the results are not always consistent or predictable.Ten sizable countries, most of them in Western Europe, have tested bigger percentages of their populations than has the United States, according to Worldometer, which gathers statistics. They are Iceland, Denmark, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Ireland, Italy, Britain, Israel and New Zealand.But their case fatality rates vary wildly: Iceland's is less than 1%, New Zealand's and Israel's are below 2%. Belgium, by comparison, is at 16%, and Italy and Britain at 14%.Both figures -- the infection fatality rate and the case fatality rate -- can differ quite a bit by country.So far, in most countries, about 20% of all confirmed COVID-19 patients become ill enough to need supplemental oxygen or even more advanced hospital care, said Dr. Janet Diaz, head of clinical care for the WHO's emergencies program.Whether those patients survive depends on a host of factors, including age, underlying illnesses and the level of medical care available.Death rates are expected to be lower in countries with younger populations and less obesity, which are often the poorest countries. Conversely, the figures should be higher in countries that lack oxygen tanks, ventilators and dialysis machines, and where many people live far from hospitals. Those are also often the poorest countries.The WHO and various charities are scrambling to purchase oxygen equipment for poor and middle-income nations in which the coronavirus is spreading.And now, new factors are being introduced into the equation. For example, new evidence that people with Type A blood are more likely to fall deathly ill could change risk calculations. Type A blood is relatively rare in West Africa and South Asia, and very rare among the Indigenous peoples of South America.Before this past week's meeting, the WHO had no official IFR estimate, Oliver Morgan, the agency's director of health emergency information and risk assessment, said in an interview in early June.Instead, it had relied on a mix of data sent in by member countries and by academic groups, and on a meta-analysis done in May by scientists at the University of Wollongong and James Cook University in Australia.Those researchers looked at 267 studies in more than a dozen countries, and then chose the 25 they considered the most accurate, weighting them for accuracy and averaged the data. They concluded that the global IFR was 0.64%.The CDC relies on a "symptomatic case fatality ratio" that "is not necessarily equivalent to the number of reported deaths per reported cases." The best estimate for the United States is 0.4%, according to a set of planning scenarios released in late May. The agency did not respond to requests to explain how it arrived at that figure, or why it was so much lower than the WHO's estimate. By comparison, 0.4% of the United States population is 1.3 million people.The 25 studies that the Australian researchers considered the most accurate relied on very different methodologies. One report, for example, was based on diagnostic PCR tests of all passengers and crew aboard the Diamond Princess, the cruise ship that docked in Japan after it was overcome by the coronavirus. Another study drew data from an antibody survey of 38,000 Spaniards, while another included only 1,104 Swedes.The current WHO estimate is based on later, larger studies of how many people have antibodies in their blood; future studies may further refine the figure, Swaminathan said.But there is "a lot of uncertainty" about how many silent and untested carriers there are, Morgan of the WHO said.To arrive at the CDC's new estimate, researchers tested samples from 11,933 people for antibodies to the coronavirus in six U.S. regions. New York City reported 53,803 cases by April 1, but the actual number of infections was 12 times higher -- nearly 642,000, the agency estimated.New York City's prevalence of 7% in the CDC study was well below the 21% estimated in a state survey in April. But that number was based on people recruited at supermarkets, and so the results may have been biased toward people out shopping during a pandemic -- often the young, who have been less affected.The global fatality rates could still change. With one or two exceptions, like Iran and Ecuador, the pandemic first struck wealthier countries in Asia, Western Europe and North America where advanced medical care was available.Now it is spreading widely in India, Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria and other countries where millions are crowded into slums, lockdowns have been relatively brief and hospitals have few resources.But the death rates may also shift in wealthier northern countries as winter approaches. Most of the spread of the virus in Europe and North America has taken place during mild or warm weather in the spring and summer.Many experts fear that infections and deaths will shoot up in the fall as colder weather forces people indoors, where they are more likely to infect one another. Discipline about wearing masks and avoiding breathing on one another will be even more important then.In each of the eight influenza pandemics to hit the United States since 1763, a relatively mild first wave -- no matter what time of year it arrived -- was followed by a larger, much more lethal wave a few months later, noted Michael T. Osterholm, director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota.More than a third of all the people killed by the Spanish flu, which lasted from March 1918 to late 1920, died in the stretch between September and December 1918 -- about six months after a first, relatively mild version of what may have been the same virus broke out in western Kansas."We will go much higher in the next 12 to 18 months," Osterholm said. Because this is a coronavirus, not influenza, it may not follow the same pattern, but it is "a much more efficient transmitter than influenza."This article originally appeared in The New York Times.(C) 2020 The New York Times Company

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 15:36:09 GMT

Moscow Has a Field Day With Trump’s Fireworks at Mt. Russia-More
Kremlin-controlled Russian state media set out to tickle U.S. President Trump’s fragile ego amid falling ratings after his blustery appearance at Mount Rushmore on Friday. Mentioning that the American head of state had previously toyed with the idea he might be featured alongside Washington, Jefferson, Teddy Roosevelt, and Lincoln, Russia’s premier state media channel Rossiya-1 aired a graphic of Trump’s mug right up there on the mountain beside them. Given the frequent allusions on Russian state media to Trump as Moscow’s friend, even Moscow’s “agent” in the White House, maybe the Kremlin would like to see the enormous monument renamed Mount Russia-More. But there were signs on Saturday, July 4, that, for now, Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin are trying to keep their longstanding bromance in check, at least where the official record is concerned. Putin sent a telegram congratulating U.S. President Donald J. Trump on America’s Independence Day. Interesting move. By avoiding a phone call Putin also avoided any direct pressure to address reports about the Kremlin paying bounties to the Taliban to kill American soldiers and coalition forces in Afghanistan.Prior to the bounty leaks flooding out of the U.S. intelligence community, the calls between Trump and Putin had become unusually frequent, but those revelations put the brakes on the presidential chatter. Trump Uses Mount Rushmore Event to Sic Supporters on ‘Evil’ ProtestersTrump—who is at least as reluctant as Putin to discuss the matter—had also avoided calling to congratulate him on Russia’s nationwide vote for constitutional amendments that assure Putin the Russian presidency for life.The Kremlin described the vote as a “triumphant referendum” demonstrating nationwide confidence in Putin. But only a handful of foreign leaders called to congratulate him, and as they rang in from the presidents of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan and South Ossetia the impression of Putin as pariah for life was only heightened. While Trump was likely given a “Do not congratulate” input from his national security advisors, the old Chekist Putin can most certainly read between the lines. After all, Trump notoriously took Putin’s side in Helsinki, denied Russia’s proven interference in the U.S. elections, essentially abandoned U.S. bases in Syria for the benefit of the Russians, toyed publicly and divisively with the idea of re-admitting Russia to the G8, and threatened to remove nearly a third of U.S. troops from Germany—a midsummer night’s dream for Putin.Trump-centric Fox News and the GOP follow the lead of America’s most pro-Russian president, churning out talking points that increasingly benefit the Kremlin. Russian state media have aired so many of Tucker Carlson’s comments that the host of Russia’s state television program 60 Minutes Evgeny Popov lovingly described Carlson as “practically our co-host.” Likewise, instead of concocting its own divisive propaganda, TASS simply quotes Devin Nunes and Mike Pompeo, both of whom sought to find and punish the leakers who exposed the Kremlin’s alleged cash for kills program instead punishing Russia for putting a price on the heads of American soldiers.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 14:50:11 GMT

Virus, Floyd death merge in brutal blow to Black well-being
Doctors have known it for a long time, well before the resounding cries of “Black Lives Matter”: Black people suffer disproportionately. The stress of living with racism has very real, physical effects. Then came COVID-19 and George Floyd — one killing Black people in alarming numbers, the other shining a harsh light on systemic racism.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 14:07:11 GMT

Hachalu Hundessa: Ethiopia singer's death unrest killed 166
Protests over the killing of Hachalu Hundessa spread from Oromia, where he was seen as a hero.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 14:02:36 GMT

Sudan protesters remain camped in Darfur, seeking security

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 13:56:43 GMT

Iran mandates masks as public shrugs off resurgent virus
Iran on Sunday instituted mandatory mask-wearing as fears mount over newly spiking reported deaths from the coronavirus, even as its public increasingly shrugs off the danger of the COVID-19 illness it causes. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei publicized an image of himself in a mask in recent days, urging both public officials and the Islamic Republic's 80 million people to wear them to stop the virus's spread.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 13:18:39 GMT

7-year-old among 13 killed in weekend shootings in Chicago

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 13:10:43 GMT

Trump Cabinet members look to reassure battleground voters
U.S. Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue tromped through a strawberry festival in central Florida, detailing the government's new trade pact. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo talked about foreign policy at a roundtable in south Florida. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Andrew Wheeler toured parts of Michigan and Wisconsin, where he boasted of the Trump administration's efforts to clean up the Great Lakes.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 12:34:58 GMT

Democrats, Biden look to accelerate Southern political shift
From Mississippi retiring its state flag to local governments removing Confederate statues from public spaces, a bipartisan push across the South is chipping away at reminders of the Civil War and Jim Crow segregation. Now, during a national reckoning on racism, Democratic Party leaders want those symbolic changes to become part of a fundamental shift at the ballot box. Many Southern electorates are getting younger, less white and more urban, and thus less likely to embrace President Donald Trump’s white identity politics.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 12:02:09 GMT

UAE orders government shakeup as virus erodes economic gains
The United Arab Emirates announced a wide-ranging government shakeup on Sunday aimed at creating a more flexible and modern bureaucracy to tackle challenges as the coronavirus and lower oil prices erode what was already sluggish economic growth. The UAE prime minister and ruler of the emirate of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, published the ministerial changes on his Twitter account, saying the goal was to create a “government that is faster in decision making and is more up to date with changes.”

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 11:59:35 GMT

Russian shot dead in Austria, police probe political motive

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 11:52:39 GMT

Anti-racism groups in Paris call out colonizer street names

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 11:47:59 GMT

Fewer will attend camp this summer; some camps won't survive
Camp Winnebago was founded during the Spanish Flu and weathered all manner of health scares from polio to the swine flu over a century. The vast majority of overnight camps are closed due to the pandemic. Campers were tested five days before arriving and will be tested again five days later.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 11:38:41 GMT

Debates turn emotional as schools decide how and if to open
School districts across America are in the midst of making wrenching decisions over how to resume classes in settings radically altered by the coronavirus pandemic, with school buses running below capacity, virtual learning, outdoor classrooms and quarantine protocols for infected children the new norm. In Florida, some school districts want students back in the classroom in early August, even though the virus is surging through communities. On average, Florida has reported more than 7,000 new cases each day recently — more than seven times what it was reporting a month ago.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 10:07:40 GMT

Rocket fired toward US Embassy in Iraq injures child
The Iraqi military said Sunday that a rocket aimed at Baghdad's fortified Green Zone, home of the U.S. Embassy, struck a residential house and injured a child. Iraqi officials said the embassy's recently installed C-RAM air defense system may have attempted to intercept the rocket as the system was operational late Saturday. A recent spate of rocket attacks have struck close to the U.S. Embassy and targeted American troops in Iraqi bases.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 09:30:39 GMT

Thomas Pynchon Predicted the Pandemic in ‘Gravity’s Rainbow’—Now Aren't You Sorry You Didn't Read It?
Recently an editor at the website Jezebel titled her essay on quarantine reading “You Don't Have to Read Gravity's Rainbow During Self-Isolation.” She instead recommended “trash” or books one had read as a child. Others in lit biz were quick to recommend Camus’ The Plague, and a recent piece in The New York Times suggested Moby-Dick, mostly for its finale of nature—the White Whale—exacting revenge on Ahab and the rest of the humans (except for Ishmael) on the Pequod. Depending on how long the pandemic lasts, I, too, would recommend Moby-Dick—as a precursor of and as a warm-up for Thomas Pynchon’s Gravity’s Rainbow, where the killer whale becomes the killer rocket. If it’s fiction you want these shut-in days, Pynchon’s is the American novel that offers the most profound understanding of how the pandemic is killing hundreds of thousands across the globe. Granted, each of us is most concerned that the virus doesn’t kill us, but you still might like to know Pynchon’s analysis—in 1973—of why you might die. And although Gravity’s Rainbow has a very pessimistic diagnosis of human history, that diagnosis might inspire the cognitive shift necessary for regeneration after the pandemic eases, if it does. Plenty of op-ed writers have offered cultural analyses and future prescriptions, but Pynchon’s fiction is further reaching, more imaginative, and more affecting.Gravity’s Rainbow is also notoriously long and recalcitrant. But if you recognize its Brechtian “epic theater” as decidedly relevant to our current situation, reading it could be a good investment of your entertainment hours because the novel is an encyclopedia of humor, what scholars call “the carnivalesque.” Pynchon includes a Huck Finn-like Innocent Abroad as protagonist, a large gallery of fools and frauds, slapstick chase scenes, movie parodies, Catch-22 absurdities and Monty Python stupidities, as well as bawdy songs, Proverbs for Paranoids, and word play worthy of Nabokov, with whom Pynchon studied. I should also mention plenty of sex scenes to please just about every taste (and tastelessness). But be not fooled: the hurdy-gurdy carnival is present to conduct you into the big tent, where gravity-defying high-wire acts of human rocketry occur.Thomas Pynchon: A Brief Encounter With the Elusive NovelistAlso, be not afraid. You can finish Gravity’s Rainbow, as I told students to whom I assigned it, if you just keep going forward. Don’t loop back to get every joke and resolve every ambiguity. The multiple story lines will cohere—and diffuse again at the end. By then you should be moved by the novel’s emotional heart, presented in scores of variations: children away from home and threatened in the night, Hansels and Gretels without, unfortunately, their happy ending. For decades, Pynchon the prodigal prodigy has been criticized for his lack of affect, but readers who aren’t exhausted by the book’s generous excesses should ultimately feel Pynchon’s disgust with and pity for the human virus: "`Fathers are carriers of the virus of Death, and sons are the infected.’"“Humans are the virus” is apparently a slogan Reddit Eco-Fascists use to rail against immigration and overpopulation. Pynchon’s viral tail and tale are much longer, summarized near the end of the novel: The “World just before men,” Pynchon writes, was “Too violently pitched alive in constant flow ever to be seen by men directly. They are meant only to look at it dead, in still strata, transputrefied to oil or coal. Alive, it was such a threat: it was Titans, was an overpeaking of life so clangorous and mad, such a green corona about Earth’s body that some spoiler had to be brought in before it blew the Creation apart. So we, the crippled keepers, were sent out to multiply, to have dominion. God’s spoilers. Us. Counter-revolutionaries. It is our mission to promote death. The way we kill, the way we die, being unique among the Creatures.” For Pynchon, humans are the “carriers of the virus of Death” because of two unique features: first is our foreknowledge that we will die. Because of this, and here Pynchon seems to be following Norman O. Brown’s Life Against Death, we desperate humans used our intelligence (that gave us foreknowledge) to invent ways of protecting ourselves and killing others, both human others and the threatening “green corona” of nature, the planet-wide other.To dramatize the consequences of this anthropological and ecological vision, Pynchon sets Gravity’s Rainbow at the end of World War II in the killing “Zone” of border-broken Europe. Characters from all inhabited continents gather in this Zone to hunt the special rocket 00000 created by Nazi scientists, some of whom would soon move to the U.S. There are also glimpses of concentration camps and a reference to the atomic devastation of Hiroshima. Although about the 20th-century’s murderous past, as well as human prehistory, the novel and its rocketry really predict the future, our present in which death can surprise us from the sky, flying in from very far away—from nuclear weapons launched by North Korea or from a virus launched by a diseased bat in China. Gravity’s Rainbow may be the first globalized novel, one that understands that the technologies that we humans devised to keep ourselves alive and distant from others can be superspreaders of mass death. For Pynchon, rockets are not just weapons or carriers but symbols of all industrialism that mines the coal and pumps the oil (mentioned in the earlier quote) to build towers and fuel machines that seem to promise rising above the “living critter” planet Earth. When 00000 is fired in the novel, the rocket is both an act of murder and an act of suicide, for a youth rides within it to “no return.” Humans have been committing murder for millennia. It’s the suicide that our industries have now enabled on a planetary scale that is new. For Pynchon, World War II was just an accelerated incident in humans’ long-running global war on nature. If this seems a truism to all but Republican lawmakers in 2020, remember please that Pynchon was writing his environmental novel 50 years ago.At the beginning of Gravity’s Rainbow, German rockets are raining down on London. At the end of the novel, rocket 00000 seems to be coming down in Los Angeles. On a globalized Earth, no populated place is safe. A character in The Matrix makes explicit, some 26 years after Gravity’s Rainbow, the effect of superspreading humans:“You move to an area and you multiply and multiply until every natural resource is consumed and the only way you can survive is to spread to another area. There is another organism on this planet that follows the same pattern. Do you know what it is? A virus. Human beings are a disease, a cancer of this planet.”Perhaps cancer is a more precise analog for humans’ relation to nature, since viruses are not really alive. In any event, both can destroy their host, bringing about the very death humans wanted to avoid as they depleted much of the natural world and then abandoned it to live in a megalopolis that Pynchon calls the “Raketen-Stadt,” the Rocket City. The coronavirus rocket came down in New York City and other densely populated centers. In the novel, children are moved out of London to protect them from the V-2 rockets. In New York City, the rich fled to their country homes. The rest of us were left behind and to our own devices like the abused and murdered children in Pynchon’s Zone.Pynchon knew about the rich, the elite, the “They” who control technology, economics, and politics, who promise security to us, whom he calls the “preterite,” the unchosen: “'Can They keep us from even catching cold? From lice, from being alone? from anything? Before the Rocket we went on believing, because we wanted to. But the Rocket can penetrate, from the sky, at any given point. Nowhere is safe.’” Pynchon even knew somehow about Trump and his administration, our current “They”: “'They have lied to us. They can’t keep us from dying, so They lie to us about death.’”Symbols of globalism, industrialism, and monopolism, rockets also represent the human desire for transcendence, for death-denying immortality in the heavens that rockets pierce. Pynchon sees the rocket prefigured in the pointed steeples of American Christian churches that promise souls’ return “home” to God. But “no return” is the constant refrain in Gravity’s Rainbow. Like the ancient organisms that gave us petroleum, we die here and return only to the earth. One of the novel’s last lines is a call to bring “the Towers low”—the rocket towers, the megalopolis towers, the sacred towers. After the bubonic plague in Europe, some cities built “plague towers” to memorialize the dead and thank God for “saving” the cities. The tallest is in the Czech Republic, the most famous in Vienna. Will towers of fealty and thanks be erected after the current pandemic? Or will humans come around to Pynchon’s position that no salvation exists in the heavens, that no He—or They—exists to deliver humans from a pandemic or from our suicidal destruction of our only home?Student of cybernetics, artist of control and chaos, user of inherited words going back to the Puritans, Pynchon implicates himself as semiotician with a late reference to William Burroughs, who thought language, enabler of restrictive codes and official lies, was the destructive human virus, so he cut up sentences and fragmented texts. Before quoting from Naked Lunch, Pynchon says, “I know what your editors want, exactly what they want. I am a traitor. I carry it with me. Your virus. Spread by your tireless Typhoid Marys.” Though diffuse, sometimes obscene, and obsessed with addiction like Naked Lunch, Gravity’s Rainbow does not as radically attack as Burroughs did the death-dealing language virus, the carrier of cultural repetition and repression. Pynchon gives editors and readers more of what he believes they want—more amusement and a more consistent argument about planetary life and death. Those features are why he speaks to us still. The last words of Gravity’s Rainbow are a hopeful song, followed by the singalong request: “Now everybody—"Our children need not be told—now—Pynchon’s version of human history, but if there is to be a cognitive supershift—to prevent future superspreading—perhaps we should tell them the outlines of Pynchonian history and, when they are old enough, put Gravity’s Rainbow in their hands. I was persuaded by Pynchon’s alarm in 1973 and have lived with the possibility of apocalypse since then. I had not stocked face masks and toilet paper, but I was also not surprised by the virus rushing across global skies much faster than Melville’s nature-avenging mutant whale could move through water. It is only now, when deaths have abated where I live in Brooklyn, that I feel I can write this “Pynchon told us so”—just as Melville did in more ambiguous terms in Moby-Dick. The tragedy of Ahab is classical personal hubris. The tragedy in Gravity’s Rainbow is species hubris. That hubris is with us still, with us in our political leaders who refuse to accept that America is not exceptional, with anyone who refuses to accept that humankind is not transcendent but contingent and fragile, subject to agents that can be seen only through a microscope. There is no pot of gold at the end of Pynchon’s Rainbow. But there is possibly enriching human humility. We will need it in our Pynchonian future.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 09:30:30 GMT

Time for China to decouple the yuan from US dollar, former diplomat urges

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 09:30:00 GMT

They Marched in America’s First Pride Demonstrations in 1970. They’re Still Out, Loud, and Proud.
The 50th anniversary of the Stonewall Riots in New York City was marked in June 2019. This year saw the 50th anniversary of the city’s first Pride march, known as the Christopher Street Liberation Day March. But on June 27 and 28, 1970, one year after the riots, New York City wasn’t making history alone. That weekend there were also the first Pride marches in Los Angeles, Chicago, and San Francisco—although in their first iteration “Pride” was not in their names.To organize and attend those marches was brave; this was an era in which being LGBTQ and being out brought considerable personal risk. But the Stonewall genie was out of the bottle; being out and visible at marches and demonstrations was the LGBTQ rights movement’s most public statement.Below, participants and organizers of America’s first ever dedicated LGBTQ marches in 1970 talk to The Daily Beast about the era, why they marched, the drama and color of the day, how they feel the movement has evolved since, what they would like to see in the future—and what advice they have for the next generation of activists.New York’s 50th LGBTQ Pride March Should Be as Political as PossibleNEW YORK CITY: Victoria CruzVictoria Cruz is a longtime trans activist and LGBTQ campaigner, and a senior domestic violence counselor and advocate for the Anti-Violence Project (AVP). She was present at the Stonewall Riots in 1969, the 1970 Christopher Street Liberation Day March, and was a close friend of Sylvia Rivera. Cruz is 73, and lives in East Flatbush, Brooklyn, and appeared in David France’s 2017 documentary, The Death and Life of Marsha P. Johnson, trying to solve the mystery of Johnson’s 1992 death. In 2012, Cruz received the National Crime Victim Service Award from then-Attorney General Eric Holder.What was it like being at Stonewall?I was 22, and identifying as butch/femme drag queen back then. As a bar, Stonewall was a release. You could go there and be yourself and dance with whoever you wanted. The music was fantastic. There were very few clubs around and most of them used to get raided. The night of the Stonewall Riots, people were fed up: the abuse, the verbal abuse, the physical abuse, the pushing, the shoving, the name calling. People couldn’t take it any more, so they fought back.What do you remember feeling and seeing?It was a very warm, humid night. There was a stillness in the air. Judy Garland had just been buried. There was a full moon. It was the calm before the storm. I saw the paddy wagons pull up at the Stonewall and thought it was another raid. But I could see the cops were from another precinct. I was out front. We heard bottles breaking and mirrors smashing. People starting coming out, the cops were beating up a lesbian (some say this was Stormé DeLarverie, but accounts vary). The crowd threw pennies at them and called them “pigs.” Then all hell broke loose. Someone threw a brick, and cracked the windows. People used parking meters to bang on the doors. The crowd grew. More cops came. They weren’t used to us fighting back. I think they were more astonished than we were.What happened to you next?When more cops came, they started chasing protesters. We went north on Seventh Avenue, then on to 10th Street, then back to Waverly Place, then back to the Stonewall again. The cops were chasing us, then we were chasing the cops. It ended up like a Keystone comedy. Then we saw people with Molotov cocktails setting cars on fire and I thought, “This is getting too much.” My then-boyfriend Frankie was illegal here, from Canada. He was a bouncer at the Stonewall. He didn’t want to get arrested, and get sent back to Canada. It got more and more rowdy. There were more bricks, cops, and batons. We got the train home. When we got there, it was already on TV.Did you go back the next two nights?The bar called Frankie to go in the next day. The place was destroyed. He brought back a Stonewall bar sign with the prices of drinks. I still have it. People reorganized, and we went back on the second night and it was more violent. The third night I didn’t go. I thought, “I don’t need any of this.”You went to the first Pride march the following year in 1970?Yes, it was so interesting. I remember at first around 50 people gathering at Bleecker and Christopher Streets. Then we marched up Sixth Avenue. They gave us half the street, and we marched all the way up to Central Park. As we were marching, more and more people joined the parade. We got to Central Park. It was like a spectacle. We were so happy, free, and liberated. It was a different feeling. Nobody was ashamed to be out and be themselves. It was just an uplifting feeling of freedom. Frankie and I stayed together another six months. He didn’t want me to be in drag, he wanted me in regular-guy clothes. I said, “No, this is not me.” He met me in a mini-skirt, and tried to change me. I wouldn’t go for that. I had already let my hair loose, and taken hormones and said, “This is what I want to be.” I transitioned before Stonewall during high school. I had found out there were doctors experimenting with black market hormones. My doctor was a real pioneer.How was your family about you being trans?I was one of 11 children, and third from the eldest. (Cruz was born in Guánica, Puerto Rico, and moved as a young child with her family to Red Hook, Brooklyn.) My parents both worked, so I had to take care of my brothers and sisters. They always knew. I never hid myself, never hid in the closet. They were very supportive. I was one of the family, one of them. I was my mother’s child. My mother was my dressmaker, my father was my friend. I could sit on the bench and talk the breeze with my father about anything. It’s very important when you’re accepted.That sounds a very positive experience.Most of the time trans people weren’t that visible. I told my mother, “This is the way I feel.” She didn’t fight me. Once I started my transition she saw the difference. I went to school, and had a job. I passed. It was always difficult at work because when they found out employers would fire me, or make my life so miserable I didn’t want to go back to work. Being trans was taboo back then. I modeled. Once they found out, I lost those jobs.I took up hairdressing and cosmetology, thinking it would make life easier. In some ways it was more accepting and tolerant. But in those days trans people were not visible. Many people hadn’t met a trans person. They had perhaps heard of Christine Jorgensen (whose transition in 1952 had made headlines). How accepting in those days was the mainstream gay rights movement to trans people?I felt in the first march they wanted us to go to back of the parade, and we said, “Hell no.” We were up front rebelling. We mixed through the whole crowd. That’s why you don’t see a separate trans contingent. We wouldn’t go to the back. It hasn’t changed much. We haven’t been fully accepted, period. You get all these corporations and banks with their boy-toys and fancy floats. How many of those corporations ever hire trans women? How many banks hire trans women as tellers? How many offer medical coverage? We have to depend on government handouts. We are still third-class citizens. Then there are the murders of trans women of color. People look around and find someone who is vulnerable to bully.Have you had experience of this yourself?I started at AVP as a survivor of sexual assault and rape. I had been raped before by men. I was working at a nursing home in 1996 and was assaulted by female nurses. It was more physical and hateful. I got through it with the help of AVP. They were arrested. I was never alone in court for the whole year the case went on (two of the accused were found guilty of harassment, the others were acquitted). Someone from AVP was always with me. I wanted to give something back to them, and I have been there for the last 20 years. How impactful was STAR (Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries), which was set up in 1970 to feed and house homeless queer youth?Sylvia and Marsha (P. Johnson) founded STAR House. It was a youth center in the East Village for two years. There were not enough funds coming in, and it broke apart. The girls took the copper piping plumbing, sold it, and bought food for the street kids. Sylvia had that on her mind all the time, to help people. Marsha would say, “We have to be good to one other.” Those were her favorite words. I used to call Sylvia, Rusty (Mae Moore) and Chelsea (Goodwin, who ran Transy House in Brooklyn from 1995 to 2008) to help girls who couldn’t find shelters. They did not once say no. They welcomed them with open arms.In 1973, Sylvia gave her famous speech in Washington Square Park to Pride protesters, talking about trans people being raped and beaten, and being ignored by the gay community. “I will no longer put up with this shit.”Sylvia went home slashed herself after that. Marsha found her, and took her to the hospital. Otherwise she’d have been dead. Sylvia felt the movement had abandoned her, and other trans people. She left the movement, and she moved to Westchester.How were the rest of the marches that decade?The marches during that time featured gay bars and clubs who rented out floats and buggies and horses. The second and third march were more organized. Gay bars, with mainly men, at that time sometimes wouldn’t let you in if you didn’t know someone, so we went to trans bars.Did the mainstream movement become more trans-inclusive?It got more inspirational, but trans people were still at the bottom of the barrel. Unless you do something out of the ordinary it’s still not as accepted that much. The mainstream movement sidelined us. I always speak my mind. Don’t tolerate us. accept us. I say that to heterosexual people too. Accept me just as I accept you. It’s acceptance, not toleration.What do you think of the Trump administration?That draft dodger who uses the excuse of heel spurs? If Marsha and Sylvia were around today, Marsha would ask what kind of heels he had been wearing. He’s a liar. The Russians have got something on him.Today, they would be upfront marching with the rest of the crowd. Marsha seemed gullible, but she always knew what the prize was. She would give you that naiveté but always knowing what she wanted and how to get it. Sylvia was in your face and aggressive, where Marsha wasn’t. They made a good pair.Tell me about your friendship with Sylvia.Myself and Sylvia, we were enemies. You know how girls are! A friend of hers was seeing Frankie, so I was all pissed off about that. It was a rivalry. After I started with AVP, Sylvia and I became friends. When we first met after 25 years, it was at a meeting. She said, “I know you.” I said, “I know you too.” Just then a Marsha button popped off her blouse, and rolled over to my feet. A sister came and picked it up. Sylvia said, “Give it to her, she’s one of us.” Ever since then, we started working together for the community.She became my best friend. I was with her at St. Vincent’s (the former New York hospital) the day before she died (in February 2002). I used to go at lunchtime. I was feeding her. She told me, “Victoria, sit down. I have to speak to you.” She called me “Victoria,” so I knew it was serious. She said, “You have to keep the community together because we can be our worst own enemy, and there’s power in numbers, and we do have the numbers with our allies.” And I said, “I’ll try.” The next day I found out that Sylvia was dead. I really miss her. There was something supernatural in that Marsha button popping off, and Sylvia and I making amends and working together.What are you proudest of?I am most proud of my counseling work at AVP, around domestic violence, hate crime, rape, police misconduct, bias assaults, without and within the community. Also, the gratitude I get from old clients. When I see them they tell me, “You saved my life,” or “You gave me a roof over my head,” or “You gave me my self-esteem back.” To me, that’s reward enough. I found that my life came to a standstill when I was in relationships. When I would break up I would move forward. Relationships got in the way of what I wanted to do, which was to be free and be an activist. When I was on my own, I went to college. When I was on my own, I worked. One relationship caused me to be a crack addict. Then I worked for AVP, and I progressed. Aging is a process. You age gracefully. I’m still growing up. I hope what I am doing now will be my legacy as an activist and a person, working to ensure all marginalized persons are accepted as human beings. Trans rights are always human rights.Do you think the trans movement has reached a positive turning point?I think the trans movement has moved a little further forward, especially with shows like Pose. I can’t identify Caitlyn Jenner. She has never walked in my shoes, and I never walked in hers. I can’t identify with her because she’s always had what she wanted, whereas I had to hustle and struggle to get what I wanted—and work for it. It just didn’t come on a silver platter. Most of the girls have to work hard for it. Pose is brilliant, and reflects the lives of real trans women. Will & Grace and other shows are comedies. Pose is real life.‘Pose’ Made History. Now It’s More Important Than Ever.Are you optimistic about the future?I am optimistic because I feel the movement coming now will be about change. Now it’s the youth and all races fighting these injustices. George Floyd’s killing was a 21st-century lynching. As long as there’s injustice, brown children being put in cages, people have to stand up for what is right. And this is all wrong.How do you feel about Black Lives Matter, and Black Trans Lives Matter?Fantastic. It’s time we bring these things out in the open, because the wider world doesn’t hear much about it. We only hear about it in our community. I know “all lives matter,” but picking on marginalized groups is a systemic thing in this country, and that system has to break down. We need to break it down.You have done so much work and activism over the years.In a way I am honored, and in a way I am humbled. We have won many battles, but the war keeps on with this administration. What is your advice to younger activists?Get educated—because once you’re educated, nobody can take that from you.* * *LOS ANGELES: Karla JayKarla Jay, author of Tales of the Lavender Menace: A Memoir of Liberation, was an early member of the Gay Liberation Front and a founding member of Radicalesbians. She helped organize the first Los Angeles Pride march—known as the Christopher Street West parade—on June 28, 1970.How does this 50-year span of LGBTQ history feel?It is kind of funny to think it was a mid-century ago. Sometimes it feels like that, sometimes it does seem like yesterday. It is quite strange. I think in terms of social history the progress in general we have made is extraordinary. There were four of those first Pride marches in New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, and San Francisco, with fewer than 10,000 people. Last year, there was an estimated 5 million people in New York City, attending or in the March. Now there are Prides in many countries around the world. That is an extraordinary development in the last 50 years.You helped organize the LA march?I helped plan some of the New York march, then went out to Los Angeles at the end of May to help them get ready too. The major obstacles to the marches were the police departments, which remains very relevant today. The police wouldn’t give us permits to march because they saw us as felons, who really shouldn’t be out on the street, let alone marching in broad daylight.It was really very difficult for us to pull off these marches because police departments would throw up things like overtime, bail bonds, and huge sanitation bills which we couldn’t afford. In Los Angeles we raised ,000 for bail money, which would have bailed out 10 people back then for “disturbing the peace.”The then-police chief in Los Angeles, Edward M. Davis, tried to stop the march. He had refused to give us a permit, saying that if he did he would have to allow thieves and burglars to march the following week. He said we would “discommode” the public if we marched. (In a forthcoming interview, the Reverend Troy Perry, one of the key L.A. march organizers and founder of the Metropolitan Community Church, talks about having to take the police to court to get the march greenlit.)The march was eventually allowed to go ahead. What was the day itself like?We started out at McCadden Place, right off Hollywood Boulevard, and marched one mile to Hollywood and Vine. It was hot during the day, so we set off at 7 p.m. Most people in LA are not used to walking, let alone marching long distances, so we kept it short. How was the atmosphere?Really kind of amazing. We didn’t know what would happen. We encouraged people to come in festive clothing. A number of people came in Halloween costumes. It was really quite entertaining, and also served as a way to disguise the marchers. They were kind of tentative.I walked with the Gay Liberation Front banner, and I liked to walk in the middle of the street in case people threw things. People used to throw bottles from the sidelines. But none of that happened in this particular march. There were people lined up, 10-deep, watching to the side. The atmosphere was extremely festive.We were shouting, “Out of the closets, into the streets,” “2-4-6-8, How do you know your grandmother’s really straight?”—things like that. We used to sing a song, “If it was good enough for Sappho it was good enough for me,” although you could take Sappho’s name out and add whatever name you liked to the chorus.Was it well attended?A guy counted 1,169 people using one of those little counters. It probably wasn’t exactly accurate, but fairly accurate. We didn’t know we were making history. We were walking in the sunshine, showing our faces. And, in those days, we were risking losing a lot to do that: risking losing our apartments, homes, careers, you could be thrown out of school. We knew that once we took that step over the starting line that we couldn’t go back. Not many people have taken a step like that. For so many people to say, “Here I am, look at me.” That was making history—to be visible. That’s the biggest challenge still. Every day there are so many people in our community who still invisible in various ways. If everyone came out, they (anti-LGBTQ politicians) wouldn’t be able to do to us what they’re doing today.What are your strongest memories of the day itself?I remember holding my breath, just as we stepped off on the march I didn’t know if people would cheer or boo. Suddenly I heard people cheering. I didn’t know if I was going to cry, I was so excited and breathless that people were cheering for us, for something that we had been hated for for our entire lives. At that moment we knew we had made history. We didn’t know how many people would show up, certainly more than we expected. Afterwards we went to bar called Satan’s and heard from the activist Morris Kight that activists including Troy Perry, who founded the Metropolitan Community Church, had gotten arrested. (Perry will speak about his arrest, his night in jail, and much more in his forthcoming interview with The Daily Beast.) An argument ensued about whether we should go to the police station or wait to get them out in the morning as we would not be able to get them out at that hour. Finally, it turned into not quite a fight, but some people wanted Morris to shut up and poured beer over him. It was kind of like the wild west. One guy said to Morris, covered in beer, “Morris you’re all washed up.” That was our gay liberation night.What happened in the morning? They got out. Then we did a sit-in for 10 days at the Federal Building. Davis was looking for an excuse to arrest us, but the cops couldn’t arrest us because it was a federal plaza. We sat there for 10 grueling days trying to get civil rights and marriage equality. Some people were fasting. Some protesters said they had met with police and gotten concessions. I don’t think they did, but sometimes people said that to stop something that had become fruitless with no winner. We got publicity and now it was the July 4th weekend, everyone was gone, and really it was time to go home.This was 50 years ago. Has the LGBTQ movement delivered what you expected?In some ways I never thought back then that we would have marriage equality. l remember one of the early Gay Liberation Front meetings in New York, where we sat in a circle and talked about what we wanted. One woman said she wanted to get married. We all laughed at her. We thought she was crazy. Back then we couldn’t even hold hands in public without getting beaten up. We thought that was really “far out,” as we called it back then. We weren’t interested in marriage, imitating what we saw as heterosexual failed relationships. We really thought we as outlaws could change straight society. We used to say, “We’ll never go straight until you go gay.” We had a more ambitious image of transforming heterosexual culture to be more androgynous and be able to give up on the idea of monogamy and the patriarchal system. Marriage hadn’t worked out so well for heterosexual people. We had a very different idea. It makes me very sad that we left out non-conforming people of all sorts.The marriage equality movement threw gender non-conforming and trans people under the bus, and didn’t cherish people who wanted to live a different kind of life—people who wanted to live as single people or sleep with everyone in town or live as a “throuple.” We wanted to see what could be done, not to have what has already been done. That was our ambition then as radicals. I was a feminist, I certainly didn’t want a traditional coupledom.What did you want, or still want?I’d also like to see more protections for LGBTQ families, and in particular an end to violence against transgender women of color. It’s an epidemic. There were a lot of transgender women in the movement back then, and except for Sylvia (Rivera) and Marsha (P. Johnson) these women have been forgotten. That’s sad. It’s disgraceful now to see some feminists attacking trans women, at a time when the right wing are attacking us. We should embrace one another. I fully support my trans brothers and sisters. I think to deny trans people their full humanity and right to exist is awful. I just don’t have strong enough words for LGB people and feminists spending their time attacking trans people in this political environment.What should the LGBTQ movement do now?One of the things we were adamant about back then was being intersectional, although we didn’t have that word. In 1969 and 1970, we formed alliances with the Black Panthers and other left-wing groups. Today, I would like for these organizations that are mostly focused on just the LGB community—and too little on the T—to think more broadly about really aligning in more meaningful ways with other organizations; really to mean it when they say that Black Lives Matter. It’s easy to talk the talk but those organizations that don’t walk the walk need to step aside and let those from the POC and BIPOC communities to lead us. This is the next step.How do you see the Trump administration’s LGBTQ animus, and importance of the November election? I think this election is the most critical election we’ve ever faced. Trump has done incredible damage by appointing 200 federal judges to the courts. We can’t begin to fathom the amount of damage we’re facing going forward. If we don’t get Trump out of there and don’t flip the Senate, we are in for tremendous trouble in the future. I would have hoped for a better, stronger, more forward-thinking Democrat candidate, but I would be willing to vote for a cabbage over Trump if it were running.* * *NEW YORK CITY: Mark SegalMark Segal, then 18, participated in the Stonewall Riots in New York City, and was one of the original founders of the Gay Liberation Front. He was a marshal at the first New York Pride march—the Christopher Street Liberation Day March—in 1970. He is the founder and publisher of Philadelphia Gay News, and author of And Then I Danced: Traveling the Road to LGBT Equality.What do you remember about that day in 1970? For me, it’s one of the most memorable days of my life. There are few days you remember—my wedding first, of course, but this is up there because that day I knew would be the start of a substantial movement for equality. We had created something. First had come Stonewall. From the ashes of Stonewall had come the Gay Liberation Front. The Gay Liberation Front changed everything for the LGBT community, or at that time the gay community, in terms of what it ever thought of itself and what we will be. What was that era like?There was no LGBT community before the Gay Liberation Front. The only places where LGBT people could go were private parties, or where they met in parks, or the few illegal gay bars there were and they were only in the major cities. And there were some small gay organizations like the Mattachine Society and Daughters of Bilitis, which did small demonstrations. They might have had meetings, but very few people showed up because they were scared the police would raid them.At Stonewall, it was a riot. No one was expecting anything to come from it, with the exception of (activist) Marty Robinson. Three things about Stonewall stand out. First of course there was the violence of police. Personally I had never witnessed this before, and the police, and their behavior, represented the oppression each and every one of us had been going through our entire lives.I remember standing across the street from the Stonewall and saying to myself, “This is 1969. Women, Black people and Latino people are fighting for their rights. What about us?” That moment was when I decided to devote my entire life to this movement.You don’t think in the middle of a riot whether it will be historic. You think, “Will I be safe?” and there was also a lot of joy. Some of the depictions of Stonewall are false. While there were people throwing things at the bar and chaos, there was a sense of joy. We were fighting back for the very first time, fighting as a unit, and there was power in numbers. There were a lot of people running around having fun. It was probably the most joyous riot you have ever seen, because the heavy weight of oppression lifted that night. We felt that that oppression was being lifted by our very actions.What happened after the first night of rioting?Somewhere during all this Marty Robinson (a noted gay activist, who died in 1992) came up and gave me a piece of chalk to write on the streets and walls up and down Christopher Street: “Christopher Street, Tomorrow Night.” That created the second night of Stonewall. On the third night, the people who later became the Gay Liberation Front were leafleting on the streets. That act of leafleting was an act of defiance because it was illegal for us to be doing it. We were literally saying to the police, “Screw you, you cannot stop us any more.”Three weeks after the Riots came the first march that Martha Shelley and Marty Robinson organized. It was not a Pride march. It was from Washington Square Park to Christopher Street. This was against the police. We were saying, “Take back the streets.”Remember, at this time there was no “gay community.” The only thing we had was taking back our streets and creating pride. Later the Gay Liberation Front created community. We created everything we could to help build an inclusive and diverse community. We created the first trans youth organizations, medical alerts, legal alerts; we created the first gay community center. We distributed newspapers on the streets.And then the first march was created, a year to the day of the Riots.The first march was to celebrate three things—to mark the occasion of Stonewall obviously; to celebrate the fact of our pride in what we had created and pride in ourselves; and the most important part of that pride: that we were out, loud, proud, and in your face. That’s called visibility. That’s what the march was all about.How easy was it to organize the first march?It was organized by the Christopher Street Liberation Day Committee. We didn’t know what was going to happen. We congregated at Seventh Avenue and Christopher Street. We marched down Christopher Street, then up Sixth Avenue to Sheep Meadow in Central Park. We were leaving what was our ghetto to walk across town in public. Thousands of LGBT people had never done this before. We were defying the world to come after us. We didn’t know what was going to happen. We gave civil disobedience classes. I was a marshal. I didn’t know how many people would be brave enough to come with us. I didn’t know the magnitude of community we’d created that first year. On the morning-of, we thought a few hundred people might show up. What’s your outstanding memory of that first New York march?The area of Seventh and Christopher was so crowded it made lining people up very difficult. It was chaotic. It was an occasion overflowing with joy, seeing how many people were there. I hadn’t realized how many people were there until I climbed a pole at 17th Street and looked back and could still see people coming out of Christopher Street. I felt a chill at that moment I don’t think I would ever have again in my life. At that moment I knew we had created a movement for equality that would exist for a long time. The LGBTQ rights movement is one the best export gifts America has given to the world. How do you see the 50-year span of LGBTQ history since then?If you look at just the United States we’ve come an incredible way. Remember, in 1969 I was an outlaw just because of who I was. Who would ever have thought that that kid standing outside the Stonewall at 18 years old would be invited by President Obama to dance with his husband at the White House (in 2014, at a White House Pride reception)? That’s huge. Who would have thought we would have had a viable out presidential candidate, gays in the military, marriage equality, the recent non-discrimination-in-employment decision by the Supreme Court? These are all things we in the GLF laid the groundwork for. Everything we have in the LGBT community today is founded on the shoulders of the Gay Liberation Front. Before the GLF, those activists had been very brave, but not been able to form a massive movement as we did. I blame the LGBT organizations that came after us for ignoring the trans community. If they had embraced trans people, we would be further down the line on trans issues. They are embracing transgender people and issues now, but it’s relatively recent and they have a long way to go in that area.What do the Trump administration’s attacks, particularly on trans people, mean?There will always be cycles in civil rights movements. I think we will survive Trump I don’t know if he will survive us. What I mean is history will record him as wrong. As far as trans rights go he will be considered the George Wallace standing in the doorway. Every single public opinion poll shows that the American public is far ahead of Trump and his administration. Trump is an outlier.What advice do you have for the next generation of activists?When there is an issue go to the streets. When there is an issue don’t be afraid of getting arrested. When there is an issue, do outrageous acts, but make sure they are non-violent. And during all of it, try and keep a little joy in your life.You talk about joy a lot.Joy is very important when dealing with a tough subject. During my 51 years of working on this, I always told those I have worked with in the allied community, or those I was trying to make allies, “This is going to be difficult for you. The only way to get through it is if we have some fun doing it.” I have worked with governors, presidents, mayors, you name it. Some weren’t always friendly. You can only do that if you’re willing to talk and have communications and dialog. I don’t think someone will remain an enemy forever. I cannot express how many politicians were opposed to marriage equality who now embrace it fully.* * *NEW YORK CITY: Alston GreenAlston Green, 69, is a client of SAGE, the advocacy organization for LGBTQ elders. A creative consultant and fabric and graphic designer (including leading the design initiative for “Mahogany,” Hallmark’s African-American card brand), he lives in New York City, and attended the Christopher Street Liberation Day march in 1970.What was the 1970 New York march like?It was rather quiet. It didn’t have a parade permit. It wasn’t really huge. But the congregation that happened at Sheep Meadow in Central Park afterwards attracted a large crowd. I was 19 years old, and it was all kind of new to me, because I had only recently come out. I didn’t realize the full impact of what had happened at Stonewall. I grew up in Philadelphia, I had moved to New York City to go to school (Parsons School of Design) two months after the riots.How did the march feel?A combination of the celebratory and the political. There were a lot of hippies, and a lot of people were stoned. I was pretty political. The Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam situation were at the top of my list. At the time I could have been drafted. There was a lottery back then, but I wasn’t called to go. I knew people who had moved to Canada to avoid it. We had no business being in that war. It destroyed a lot of men, who either died or came back with PTSD, or drug addiction. It was a really awful, painful time, and we didn’t treat them right.The first march was typical of that thing that happens with white gay men who wanted to exclude trans people—and they were the ones who helped start the riots! I think it’s wonderful they’re erecting those monuments to Sylvia (Rivera) and Marsha (P. Johnson). I’m not surprised Sylvia went off at the protesters in 1973. I don’t blame her.I’m African-American. In that era the bar scene was very segregated. Several bars we could not get into—although the Stonewall itself accepted everybody. My first experiences of going out here were at parties attended by a consistent group of gay men—and a few lesbians, but not that many—in Harlem, the Bronx, and Brooklyn. We have all this technology now. Who knows how we did it back then, but we did it. We had our own little family.The first bar that opened in Manhattan that welcomed people of color was a block away from the U.N. on the East side. At that time it was not really a mixed neighborhood. Then everything changed in the mid-’70s, the Village became very popular. The world was your oyster, it really was. You could really be, say, and do whatever you wanted. I was young, I didn’t go crazy, but I certainly enjoyed myself. I wasn’t out in my job at the time.How has George Floyd’s killing, and everything that has come from it, affected you?I was devastated when I saw the video. That is what we call a televised lynching. Listen to the last line of Gil Scott Heron’s 1971 song “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised”: “The revolution will be live.” What happened was awful, but I’m glad it inspired young people to get off their asses. I have been cynical about millennials, but it’s great to see them so involved. What do you think when you consider that 50-year span of history?It feels good to have helped us get to where we are now. We still have problems, but it’s good the movement is more diverse now. Where we are now is two steps forward, two steps back. I was sad to hear about the altercation at the Queer Liberation March at the weekend. I tell young people: it’s your turn now.I also want young people to know about gay history. What we are seeing in this country is very disturbing and frightening. A lot of people don’t want to realize how the country is built. As people of color we know. We see it every day. White America is now being forced to look at the ugliness that built this country. This country was built on systemic racism. We have lived it every day of our lives as Black people. We know it. Slavery ended, and then the penal system was built for free labor.What advice would you give to younger activists?To know history. You need to understand history in order to be able to move forward. I’m not knocking young people. I 100 per cent didn’t feel it was important to me until I was 25/26. That’s when started I reading about the Mattachine Society. It’s important for all LGBTQ people to know their history.How do you feel about the future?My biggest disappointment right now is how impatient people are, and how many are not paying attention. I can’t believe so many people have a problem wearing masks, when they help save other people’s lives. My generation went through the AIDS crisis. We knew the importance of safer sex. A lot of people had difficulties with that. I went to three or four funerals a week, which was too much for me to deal with. We were forced to learn how to take care of each other. We lost so many male leaders, lesbians stepped up to the plate. In the early 1980s everyone was burnt out from people dying. Drag became very popular. We became more comfortable with gender flexibility.I’m optimistic. I hope the younger generation are learning from what is happening now. I can’t believe there are shows like Pose, featuring trans and non-binary people on TV. It’s pretty awesome to see. I never thought I would get to this point. I don’t watch RuPaul’s Drag Race, but so many straight people do!* * *SAN FRANCISCO: Peter FiskePeter Fiske is a Stonewall veteran, and has been an activist for over 50 years. He was at the first Gay Freedom Day march in San Francisco on June 27, 1970, and at the following day’s “Gay-In” picnic in Golden Gate Park. He is a Leather person, and “a proud ally for people of color, trans people, and Black Lives Matter.”What happened on June 27 and 28, 1970, in San Francisco?There was a parade on Saturday, and a picnic which we called a “gay-in” in Golden Gate Park on the Sunday. We called it Gay Freedom Day. It hadn’t really found the name “Pride” yet. I’m a Stonewall veteran, but I’m a veteran of the bar, not the Riots. It was my hangout in 1968 and 1969. I had come to New York for seven-and-a-half months. I had taken a lot of drugs in San Francisco and wanted to clean myself up. I went to the Stonewall 50, 60 times, and I was in there three times when the police raided it in 1969. What I saw turned me into a lifelong activist. What was it like being in the Stonewall when a police raid happened?I was in there the last time the cops raided it before June 28, 1969. You’d get no notice of a raid. The first evidence was the music being turned off, and the lights turned on. It was about 1 in the morning when it happened that final time before Stonewall itself. The cops would come in, and you would have to line up and show them your ID. If you were not wearing three items of clothing that matched what they deemed to be your gender, or if you were underage, you were arrested. They called us “queers” and “fags.” They were mean and bullying. If your ID was OK, they let you leave, and the bar reopened afterwards. That last raid before the one the night of the riots, people were angry and muttering. Stonewall was a street bar. There were hustlers, street people, homeless people, poor people, and also suburban people, people of color, leather folks. I was one of them. I used to go there after going to the two leather bars New York had in those days.You weren’t there for the riots themselves?I left New York the Tuesday before the riots. I was not a very political gay person before what I saw at the Stonewall. I had drag queen friends, and was at the Compton’s Cafeteria Riot in San Francisco in 1966. There was a lot of police brutality in San Francisco. It was not a tolerant city until the 1970s. That night at Compton’s, the cops beat everybody, the queens fought back, and a bunch were taken to jail. In those days, people’s names got printed in the newspaper. It was awful for them. That was part of the oppression.When I came back to San Francisco after Stonewall, I went to GLF meetings. I didn’t get extremely politically active immediately. That came during the AIDS crisis. After Stonewall, GLF expanded wildly in San Francisco. Gay people were moving into the Polk Street neighborhood, the first “gayborhood” in San Francisco; the Castro was still mixed back then. New bars were opening all the time.How was the march? A lot of people at the time were afraid to be in a gay march. I would say the crowd had around 800 to 1200 people on it, which was a lot. I was happily surprised when I got there. People had come out, dressed mostly hippie-ishly. It was very colorful. There were a lot of drag queens. People didn’t do drag in the streets normally. I wore a leather vest and leather chaps. There were speakers at the march. The route started at Polk and Sutter, near to one of the biggest gay business of that time, the Town Squire, known as the Squire. We walked down Polk Street, and as the street got un-gayer and un-gayer, I thought there would be catcalls, but people waved. We walked all the way to North Beach, and had a picnic at Aquatic Park. Everyone smoked marijuana. The next day, in Golden Gate Park, there were a lot of drugs being done. I believe I took a small dose of LSD for that one. What happened next in the city?Suddenly the city seemed full of activists, and we were starting to find our way. I remember us picketing Pacific Bell who wouldn’t hire homosexuals. Eventually, the they gave in. The city changed throughout the 1970s. By 1978, this little parade had become one with 3-400,000 people, marching against the Briggs Initiative, which was aimed at stopping LGBTQ people from teaching in Californian schools. Harvey Milk made his career fighting it. I knew him to say hello to. I used to see him and his then-partner Scott Smith at the bath-house. I remember him being assassinated and the White Night Riots that followed (when his assassin, Dan White was given a lenient sentence). There was a lot of anger that day. Our march that afternoon snaked through the streets. We chanted, “He got away with murder. He got away with murder.” The demonstrators burned around 6 police cars; and the cops beat up patrons at some Castro gay bars in retaliation.You also lived through the AIDS era in San Francisco.AIDS brought me my partner and love of my life, Coulter Thomas. He was International Mr. Leather in 1983. We met in 1983 at an AIDS benefit. He was with someone else, and when that person died he moved to San Francisco, we got together. We had a wonderful time together for four and a half years, until, in September 1992, AIDS also took him away. He was the most beautiful man I ever saw in my life, and he was also a really kind and sweet man.He introduced me to a group of friends who were transitioning from female to male, and I got to know them and they are still very close to me now. Because of that, later on, I campaigned to get the leather community and leather events to accept transgender men and women. It took a long time, but we did it.Do you think mainstream gay activism has done enough for trans people?I don’t think we have done enough. That’s why I am so glad to see so much going on with Black Lives Matter, and Trans Lives Matter and Black Trans Lives Matter. I’m still an activist. I was glad about the Supreme Court ruling. The first and only time I was arrested was in 2009, when Proposition 8 (banning same-sex marriage in California) was ruled constitutional. (It was finally overturned in 2013.) There was a sit-down protest. Because of my age I was told I would be arrested with the clergy. When I was arrested and they pulled out plastic handcuffs, I joked I would prefer metal ones. My cop friends found that very funny. The charges were dropped the next day.What does LGBTQ activism mean to you today?I didn’t dream of marriage equality. In 1969, we were fighting not to be oppressed. That was what Stonewall was about. I think we have come further than I could have ever dreamed. There is still some way to go, of course. We’re not done yet. They could take it all way away again if the country continues to go down the dark road it’s been on for the last three years.What advice would you give to young activists?Sometimes you have to get angry to get action. Sometimes you have to demand rather than ask. And keep going. If you’re angry enough about it, channel that anger into creative action. I’m proud to be part of the Stonewall generation of activists. I did it because we wanted the world to be better for the ones coming after me. I also did because I was damn angry, especially in the 1980s during the height of AIDS when the government didn’t just not care but it actively wanted us dead. We were frightened for a time they would put us in camps. It’s been a long, wonderful road and I’m not going to stop. I can’t physically go to demonstrations for Black Lives Matter, but I would be there if I wasn’t at high risk for COVID. I have emphysema, I’m 75, and I have lung problems—chronic pulmonary disease. I can be there in spirit. I’m so proud of the young right now. They have really done something that reminds me of the time around Stonewall and the time around the start of AIDS, and they’re doing it for LGBTQ people, women, people of color, trans people. And they’re confronting and exposing our own racist history.You left San Francisco to move to Palm Springs?Yes, in 2011. Palm Springs is gay leather heaven! Half the leather community in San Francisco has moved here. There are 3 bars, several clubs, and a couple of leather resorts. 40-50 per cent of the town is gay. It used to be Republican and racist until the 1990s, but that changed when the queers moved in.* * *NEW YORK CITY: Ellen BroidyEllen Broidy was an early member of the Gay Liberation Front. She was president of the NYU Student Homophile League, a founder of Radicalesbians, and, in fall 1969, presented the resolution creating the Christopher Street Liberation Day March at the Eastern Regional Conference of Homophile Organizations. A Californian since 1971, she completed her doctorate in U.S. History at UC Irvine. She has worked as a librarian, faculty member, and Writing Specialist at UCI, UCLA, and UCSB. Ellen and her partner of 41 years live in Santa Barbara where she remains active in progressive causes, with a particular focus on racial and immigration justice.What did you do to help make the march happen?I was one of four people who wrote one of the initial statements saying we should have this kind of march. I made the proposal at the Eastern Regional Conference of Homophile Organizations on Nov. 2, 1969. (The statement, written by Broidy, Craig Rodwell, Fred Sergeant, Linda Rhodes, proposed there should be an annual march, the last Saturday in June, to mark the 1969 Riots, and not just in New York City but across America.) We wanted it to be on the Saturday, but it ended up being Sunday. Chicago had theirs on the Saturday and beat New York. I was 23 when I made the proposal, 24 at the time of the march, and 74 now.How was coming out for you?All the struggles were in my head. They did not exist with family at all, which was quite unusual at that time. I was 23 when I finally told my mother that I was a lesbian. She looked across the table at me and said, “I’ve known since you were 6.” I said, “Why didn’t you tell me?” She said, “I didn’t think it was any of my business and you’d come to it on your own.” She’d been an activist all her life in civil rights, and worked at the National Urban League.How was the march itself?There was a great appetite to have one, and a cohesive group of activists looking to organize it. It took on a life of its own. Demonstrations in New York City are not easy to mount because of police and permits and all of that. There were thousands of people at the march, so it clearly hit a nerve. What Stonewall was was a moment. What GLF needed to do was turn that moment into a movement, and the June 1970 march was a pivotal turning point in that movement.We did not call the march “Stonewall.” We called it the Christopher Street Liberation Day March. Talking about not what happened in the bar but on the street may be a difference without a distinction, but I think it’s important. All those debates around who threw the first stone and pennies has taken on an interesting mythology of its own. But what happened in the street wasn’t mythology. And what happened with the march wasn’t either. It was tangible and real.Did it feel like a moment in history?Through my 24-year-old eyes it sure felt like a turning point, like we had joined the revolution, and not only joined the revolution but joined it in our own names which was significant. I’ve been disappointed until now these last 50 years because we were supposed to have a revolution. I was gratified to see this year’s Dyke March in New York alongside Black Lives Matter. These revolutionary forces are coming together in a way that probably could not have happened 50 years ago.Visually, what do you remember from the 1970 march in New York?One really strong picture in my mind were the numbers of people looking out from their windows and fire escapes. We were calling out, “Off the sidewalks, into the streets.” And damn it, people did that.What was your emotional trajectory that day?“Trajectory” is a good word because I probably started off feeling a great deal of anxiety and trepidation. We had no idea whether the crowds were there to support us or do us harm. We had no idea what the reaction of the police would be—if something went amiss, would they let it happen, facilitate it, or intervene? When I saw the crowd numbers, that trepidation and fear dissipated, and was replaced with a kind of elation. If someone was asked to describe me, “elation” would not be a word they would choose. I’m sort of dour. But that day I felt elation, great cheer and joy, just to be there.How do you feel about the span of time since the first marches?If you asked me this question last year at Stonewall 50, I probably would have given a somewhat negative response. This year, everything happening with Black Lives Matter feels much more positive. I had felt pretty negative for the last 49 years. In our youth—I was 24 years old at the time of the first Pride march—we really thought we were on the cusp of revolution. Before we had a word for it, we thought we knew something about intersectionality and crossing borders. But we all came together and what we ended up “doing” was Donald Trump.Has the movement achieved what you hoped?Marriage equality, serving in the military: as a member of GLF 50 years ago, these weren’t even on my list. But things like the recent anti-discrimination Supreme Court decision, yeah, that’s wonderful. I never served in the military. I married, and I’m very grateful that happened, but it was not something on my mind or the minds of my colleagues when we were marching in 1970.As I have said before, we weren’t out for a piece of the pie, we were out to blow up the bakery. We were out to start the whole thing again.What do you think of the LGBTQ movement now?It has gone the way it needed to go which is not to say I necessarily recognize it. The issues are different. In some ways it’s far more dramatic because we’re dealing with the murders of trans women of color. Our moment is over, although I do wish my younger colleagues have a stronger sense of history and they did not wake up one morning and invent the whole thing. They are standing on other people’s shoulders. But then, reflecting back, I was quite dismissive of the homophile movement that came before gay liberation. The only thing I regret is the sense that lesbians in some ways have disappeared from the face of the movement and I mourn that.What has the movement achieved in the last 50 years?What isn’t revolution is reform. Those are two pretty distinct concepts. We have a degree of equality, but we still don’t have liberation. We have equality as has been given to us by the courts. We are still not in a position of being a liberated community that can demand in its own name this and that. This is reform, not revolution; and it’s a kind of equality, not liberation. The fact that the Supreme Court had to make that decision is clear that this is an equality that can be taken away and that is terrifying, as was the fact that the good citizens in the state of California were able to vote on my rights when it came to Proposition 8.What’s your advice to the next generation of activists?Keep doing it, keep on keeping on. Don’t let the pressure off. Don’t deny why you are in this movement. Keep going and then occasionally turn around and look over your shoulder and remember us. Know your history. Acknowledge the fact that you did not invent this struggle. You can move it forward in new and important ways, but you didn’t invent it. I say that with a great deal of self-criticism, given my own completely dismissive behavior towards the people who came before me, like the Mattachine Society and Daughters of Bilitis, the mainstream homophile organizations of that time. And really they were incredibly brave people. They didn’t participate in the struggle in the way I thought they should have, but at 23 you think you know everything.Do you think LGBTQ equality will ever be settled, or will always be a struggle?You know what they say: freedom is a struggle. 50 years ago we thought this struggle was for lesbians and gay men. Now it’s lesbians, gay men, bisexuals, transgender and intersex people. I don’t see an end to any of these struggles, as much as I would like to see an end to white supremacy, heterosexism, homophobia, and racism. We have got to keep moving forward.* * *CHICAGO: Gary ChichesterGary Chichester, 73, has provided more than 50 years of commitment and work to the LGBTQ communities—including marching in the inaugural Gay Liberation March of June 27, 1970. In 1971, Chichester co-founded the Chicago Gay Alliance, which created Chicago’s first gay and lesbian community center. He has served on the Chicago Commission on Human Relations’ Advisory Council on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender issues, and sat on the Chicago LGBT Hall of Fame Committee from its inception in 1991 (co-chairing it since 1992).What do you remember about the planning of the march?It was organized by Gay Liberation Front student group at the University of Chicago. A month or so prior to it, we created a symbol of two sets of male and female symbols under a proud fist. Around 200 people participated. We wanted to march over to Michigan Avenue to show people there were angry queers around. We marched to Daley Plaza for a rally. The atmosphere was noisy, and jubilant for the most part. We shouted for people to come out of their closets and join us. Then we danced around as hippies did in the day.I remember people’s jaws dropping. They had never seen anything like that. People in the march felt the same: a lot of them had never marched before.Were you political before the march?I had come from a conservative suburban background. Two years prior, we had the 1968 Democratic National Convention here. I spent weeks going to demonstrations, and saw the police beating up protesters. I was even hit by a teargas canister on Michigan Avenue.In 1969, my then-partner Richard and I were at home one Saturday night, and got a call from a friend of Richard’s who was living in New York City, who said, “You’ll never guess what’s going on here,” and told us about the Stonewall Riots.Groups like GLF started forming on Chicago campuses. There were social events and dances. Bars started allowing dancing. The vice department didn’t care; their attitude was “Get them off the streets.”What was it like, being LGBTQ in Chicago at that time?If you don’t have something, you don’t miss it when don’t have it. I was pretty open about my sexuality. It didn’t bother me to be gay, and I had a pretty good relationship with my family. But during the 1968 Convention the cops raided gay bars. There was a lot of street cruising. I spent a lot of time in a 24-hour restaurant drinking a lot of coffee. That’s how you met up with people. Some of the bigger bars were racist, and didn’t let Black gay people drink in them, but we eventually worked through that.How do you see the last 50 years of LGBTQ history?Knowing your history and heritage gives you power. I’ve been posting on Facebook throughout June about LGBTQ history, which people liked. I was mad because I came to New York City for the 50th anniversary of Stonewall, and there was so much, celebrating Sylvia (Rivera) and Marsha (P. Johnson) and events and exhibits. There wasn’t anything like that in Chicago, and it upset me. There was a memorial at the Stonewall commemorating the Pulse massacre, but Chicago didn’t touch on that.What happened after the 1970 march?I was part of the Chicago Gay Alliance. In 1971, we thought we should get a permit for the march. My signature is on the first permit given to an LGBTQ parade. You think people will say no, but I’ve found if you walk in and act like you know what you want, you get it. We got everything we wanted. The only thing we didn’t get was the approved closure of streets and removal of parked cars, so it was a little tight on the sidewalks in 1971. I’m so happy Chicago elected Lori Lightfoot, our first African-American lesbian mayor. Pete Buttigieg is just down the road in Indiana. I never thought I’d see the day when a gay man would run for President of the United States.What advice would you give younger activists today?I really appreciate when the kids go out now. I think they need to know that what they have today wasn’t just here for them. There were a lot of people fighting to get where we are today, and a lot of fighting to go. Learn your history, learn your heritage. It’s where you’ll get your power from.* * *NEW YORK CITY: Martha ShelleyMartha Shelley, 76, was born in Brooklyn. She is one of the founders of the New York City chapter of the Gay Liberation Front, and author of numerous poems, essays, and a historical trilogy which takes place in the ancient Middle East. She also writes a blog.What do you remember of the 1970 New York march?That 1970 march was not the first march. I helped organize the one we did one month after Stonewall. We called it a protest march. There were around 400 people there. It was the first time people were prepared to step outside in the sunshine, and let the world know they were gay. I was scared before the march. I had been in Harlem when Martin Luther King was killed. I knew the government would have no hesitation in killing us, or beating the crap out of us and throw us in vans.But once it started, I wasn’t scared. I was angry. We ended up in Christopher Park, opposite Stonewall. Marty Robinson made a speech. I made a speech, and asked people to leave peaceably, because this wasn’t an end, but a beginning and we would be back. And we were: as the Gay Liberation Front. One of my memories of the 1970 march is that I was totally blown away by numbers. Whatever sexuality you were, you were part of us. We ended up in Central Park. It was a lovely, lovely afternoon.Did that era feel like a turning point?I knew it was a historical moment, but I didn’t know how fast it would spread.I had passed by the Stonewall Riot on the Saturday night, and thought it was an anti-war demonstration. I knew we had to seize the day. I called the head of (lesbian activist group) the Daughters of Bilitis and said we should have a protest march. I had joined it as 1967, and served briefly as treasurer and president. I didn’t have skills to do that job, but I was articulate, so became its speaker because I was unafraid of speaking in public.Where did that fearlessness come from?I wasn’t brought up to be fearless. Some of my family were Holocaust survivors, some had emigrated before the Holocaust. I always asked myself what I would have done in Germany or Poland—if I had been a non-Jewish German or Pole—in that moment of history. Would I have had the courage to oppose to the regime, to fight back, to stand up for what I knew was right? That troubled me. You can’t go back in history, so I knew at this moment this was something I had to do. I had been on anti-war protests and was very much aware of segregation. I was too young to have gone on the freedom marches in the South, but my mother had been sympathetic to all those movements.Was she OK about you being gay?No, she wanted me to be straight. It was the same with all the other stuff I did. She wanted me to be safe and protected—the idea of finding a man who makes a comfortable living, to be married. She was never comfortable with who I was, but she loved me. She had gone through poverty, the Depression, she never crossed a picket line. She had socialist principles. I learned early which side I was on.What is the legacy of GLF? Did lesbians face sexism in it?Very powerful. I don’t think the GLF was so sexist. I think there were an awful lot of men who were anti-sexist. The problem came up with dances. There would be mixed GLF dances, where sometimes straight men came and harassed and groped the women. The gay guys were too busy looking into each other’s eyes to do anything. We realized we needed all-women dances. Personally, I think it was a mistake to split into so many different groups. GLF ended in 1972. If we could have maintained an umbrella organization, it might have lasted longer, but maybe it wouldn’t because how politics changed.How do you feel about Pride’s growth over the years?For a while I was really impressed with the participation. Then I got kind of disgusted with all the corporations who use Pride for advertising. Last year, I addressed both an event held by the organizers of the big march, then went on the first Queer Liberation March on Sunday. The pressing issues for me now are climate change, and the concentration of wealth among the very few. Our rights—as LGBTQ people, as women, as Black people, as trans people—don’t mean anything if we cease to exist as a species, or if we have to work three jobs to make our rent.Where do you think LGBTQ rights are now? I think we’ve made some progress, but mostly in western countries. We’re not safe everywhere. There is an awful lot of rights people want to tale away, specifically Trump, Pence, and all their followers, and evangelicals. I have mixed feelings about the recent Supreme Court victory; on the one hand we can wipe the sweat off our brows, but on the other we don’t know long this will last, especially is Trump is re-elected. Or if he gets another chance to pick another Supreme Court justice. We can’t rely on the courts. We need to be continually on our guard and ready to fight for our freedoms. There are always people who want to take it away. Intersectionality is not new. It started back in 1969/1970, when Gay Liberation Front members attended the Black Panther conference in Philadelphia and made alliances. I’m glad it’s continuing now.What’s your advice for the next generation?Don’t give up, and don’t expect that everything is going to be won in your lifetime. There is something that we say at Passover: “In every generation, there will be a pharaoh that arises to oppress us.” The corollary is that in every generation we have to fight back. It’s not won, once and for all. I’m astonished at the progress we did make. I have benefited from marriage equality, but I am not terribly impressed by gays-in-the-military. I was never interested in going to Vietnam and killing Asian people to benefit our corporations. I don’t want my adopted children and grandchildren to be made to go to Iraq and kill more people to benefit more corporations. I want to get rid of the military, not serve in it.Right now, because of my age and medical condition and my wife Sylvia’s age and her medical conditions we cannot go out, so I write my blog and do interviews like this. So, my other advice is to make connections with other oppressed people all around the world.* * *NEW YORK CITY: Joe NegrelliJoe Negrelli is a former applications programmer, and longtime activist. He was present at the Stonewall Riots, and the first New York City march in 1970. He is a client of SAGE, the advocacy organization for LGBTQ elders.You were at Stonewall, and also the first march?Yes, I was 18 years of age in 1970. I had been at the Stonewall riots the year before. I was 17 at the time of the Stonewall Riots. I had lived in New York since 1957. I was very happy. It was a riot, tremendous civil disobedience. I was very impressed, very happy, and a lot of the rioting was done by non-homosexuals who just understood that gay people had had enough. And it was that time in the history of New York when lots of groups—women’s liberation, Black liberation, anti-war anarchists—were all in the West Village area. They were very sympathetic and very kind to help gay people.What do you remember of the riots?I remember seeing the smashing of the plate glass window at the Stonewall, the garbage cans set on fire. All trash cans and bottles were made of glass then. Police barricaded themselves in the bar. Someone started a fire. Believe me, it was a small fire but it scared the police and I’m very happy it scared the police.What was your mood like?I was really enraged, very angry. I remember that there were about 50 to 75 people there at the beginning, and then by 4 a.m. there were at least a thousand people throughout the Village causing anarchy. Places that specifically discriminated against gay clientele were particularly targeted for vandalism. In the 51 years since, the police haven’t figured out how to be nicer to people who they initiate hostility with. And that night the hostility came from police, not gay people. If it wasn’t for the police there wouldn’t have been a riot. If they had just arrested people there wouldn’t have been a riot, but they had to try and humiliate gay peopleHow was the first march a year later?I was stunned. There had been homosexuals who had hidden out on the first three days of Stonewall. No one knew what would come from this thing. One year later homosexuals did get the message. I was deeply moved by all the people who showed up. These are the people who hid the year before, afraid to lose their jobs, their apartments, their standing in the community. Now they were coming forward. I felt great deal of pride, and a great deal of liberation. At least, if nothing more, one year later people understood what we were talking about.How do you feel about activism now?Last Sunday I marched at the Reclaim Pride/Queer Liberation March, and I was exceedingly proud and happy, and proud of the young people. There were very few people my age there! I was really happy, and happy they were defiant. I don’t agree with all they say. I agree with them about the corporations who make money off gay people and give very little. I’m unhappy about the exclusion of LGBTQ police officers. But I know that it’s complicated, and I’m proud of young people taking the initiative to get their voices heard. I was happy about the recent Supreme Court ruling, but there are still some states where LGBTQ people are not so free and safe. We’re getting there. I still wear pink and yellow, and that’s how I want people to remember me—as bright and sunny, and not some bitter old queen like I used to meet 50 years ago. What advice for young activists do you have?I would like them to carry on the banner of what happened a few days ago. I would ask other gay people in other cities to be civilly disobedient towards the government. I should not have to beg for the right to live. I don’t not need your permission to breathe. I am a human being and a citizen of this country. I’m not going to beg for that, or beg to get married, or have health insurance, or beg to have equality in the place I was born and raised. I’ve been in New York for 63 years. I have no reason to beg to be treated normally, like any other citizen.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 09:14:58 GMT

Sheriff: 2 dead, 8 hurt in South Carolina nightclub shooting
A shooting at a nightclub early Sunday left two people dead and eight wounded in South Carolina, a sheriff's official said. Two Greenville County sheriff's deputies noticed a disturbance at Lavish Lounge just before 2 a.m., and saw a large crowd running out of the building, Sheriff Hobart Lewis said at a news conference. There was “active gunfire from inside the building,” Lt. Jimmy Bolt said in an initial statement, and Lewis said all the shots were fired inside.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 08:32:01 GMT

Israel, Palestinians face new restrictions amid virus surge
Israel said Sunday it has ordered thousands of people into quarantine after a contentious phone surveillance program resumed while Palestinians in the West Bank returned to life under lockdown amid a surge in coronavirus cases in both areas. Israel’s Health Ministry said Sunday “many” messages had been sent to Israelis following the renewed involvement of the Shin Bet domestic security agency. The Israeli daily Haaretz reported that more than 30,000 people were notified they must enter quarantine since Thursday.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 07:49:35 GMT

Crunch, crunch: Africa's locust outbreak is far from over
The crunch of young locusts comes with nearly every step. The worst outbreak of the voracious insects in Kenya in 70 years is far from over, and their newest generation is now finding its wings for proper flight. The livelihoods of millions of already vulnerable people in East Africa are at stake, and people like Boris Polo are working to limit the damage.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 07:22:41 GMT

France-Turkey spat over Libya arms exposes NATO's limits
The festering dispute between France and Turkey over a naval standoff in the Mediterranean Sea has shone a glaring searchlight on NATO’s struggle to keep order among its ranks and exposed weaknesses in a military alliance that can only take action by consensus. The dispute has also revealed NATO’s limits when its allies are or are perceived to be on different sides of a conflict — in this case in Libya — especially when a major nuclear ally like France has lamented the “brain death” at the world’s biggest security organization due to a lack of American leadership. France said it was acting on intelligence from NATO that the civilian ship could be involved in trafficking arms to Libya.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 06:45:28 GMT

Israeli leader's son takes center stage in corruption sagas

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 05:34:42 GMT

Protester killed on Seattle freeway was dedicated to cause
A person killed Saturday when a man who drove his car onto a closed Seattle freeway and into a crowd protesting police brutality was remembered Sunday as someone who was dedicated to the cause. The deceased, Summer Taylor, 24, spent the last six weeks “tirelessly standing up for others while working full time and supporting everyone around them," wrote Urban Animal on Instagram, the veterinarian clinic where Taylor worked in Portland, Oregon. “Anyone that works for Urban Animal will tell you that Summer Taylor’s laugh makes any bad day better.”

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 04:53:54 GMT

Japan floods leave up to 34 dead, many at nursing homes
Deep floodwaters and the risk of more mudslides that left at least 34 people confirmed or presumed dead hampered search and rescue operations Sunday in southern Japan, including at elderly home facilities where more than a dozen died and scores were still stranded. Helicopters and boats rescued more people from their homes in the Kumamoto region. Large areas along the Kuma River were swallowed by floodwaters, with many houses, buildings and vehicles submerged almost up to their roofs.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 03:37:18 GMT

Columbus statue toppled by Baltimore protesters
Baltimore protesters pulled down a statue of Christopher Columbus and threw it into the city's Inner Harbor on Saturday night. Demonstrators used ropes to topple the monument near the Little Italy neighborhood, news outlets reported. Protesters mobilized by the death of George Floyd at the hands of police have called for the removal of statues of Columbus, Confederate figures and others.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 02:12:48 GMT

Katsina: The motorcycle bandits terrorising northern Nigeria
Insecurity has worsened in the north-west as kidnapping for ransom becomes a lucrative trade.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 00:31:43 GMT

Iran reports new record one-day virus death toll of 163: official
The previous record of 162 deaths was announced on Monday in the Islamic republic, which has been battling the Middle East's deadliest outbreak of the novel coronavirus. The new deaths bring the total toll in Iran to 11,571, health ministry spokeswoman Sima Sadat Lari said on state television. Official figures have shown a rising trajectory in fatalities and new confirmed cases since Iran reported a near-two month low in daily recorded infections in early May.

Sun, 05 Jul 2020 00:08:00 GMT

Vladimir Putin trashes U.S. Embassy for flying rainbow flag during Pride Month
Russian president Vladimir Putin scoffed at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow on Friday as the embassy continued flying the rainbow flag in support of LGBT rights, Reuters reported. At a press conference, Putin said the flag “revealed something about the people that work there,” according to Reuters, in reference to their sexual orientation. The embassy began flying the flag from a window on June 25, though it could not officially put it on a flagpole because the Trump administration has shut down such requests since June 2019.

Sat, 04 Jul 2020 22:56:01 GMT